• Thanks for stopping by. Logging in to a registered account will remove all generic ads. Please reach out with any questions or concerns.

Imported oil and the threat to our security

>But protectionism does help most of the population in many people's view.

In my view, many people are innumerate, misinformed, and underinformed.

faith: firm belief in something for which there is no proof

There's a lot of faith in Canada, but surprisingly much of it is not in the realm of what we conventionally think of as religion.
 
Bruce Monkhouse said:
Quote,
America gets Canada's oil, Canada gets.....nothing

....yea, money is nothing, I guess.
I just went through your posts and see that out of 54 almost everyone is in the "political" section and contains some dig at the US. Wouldn't you feel more comfortable at some other more political based website, cause a whole lot of people smarter than I are tearing all your "arguments" to shreds and still you come back bloodied and offer .....nothing.


I'd be banned if I told you what I thought of the political arguments on this web site. Glad you cared enough to look, but I thihnk too much time in U.S. formations really does things to people. Canadian nationalism will eventually prevail. We will not be defeated.
 
" Canadian nationalism will eventually prevail. We will not be defeated."

Not by others we won't, but by ourselves.  We are rapidly pissing away our democratic heritage and emerging as the world's first sub-arctic banana republic.  Nationalism should be built on a common set of values and history created by a people who have endured together.  Hard to do when the world has been  deemed to have been created when Pearson and Gordon brought us medicare.  The minister of finance at the time, a businessman named Hellyer said it was a bad plan - "inflationary" - but who needs to listen to people with real life experience in meeting a payroll when dogma rules?

So what happens when the consumers outnumber the producers?  Maybe we can load up on CP Ships and sail away to another Stalinist paradise.  Don't try and talk to the crew, they don't speak English or French.

Tom
 
S_Baker said:
I use to live in Alberta and as far as I understand Alberta has had a royalty on oil for a very long time isn't the account called the trust fund?    

Sherwood!!! Where the hell have you been!! PM me.


BTW, Alberta just declared themselves (the only province) debt free yesterday. Good on them!
 
Quote,
Canadian nationalism will eventually prevail. We will not be defeated.

I'm just curious how you think that the ex-soldiers, soldiers and wish to be soldiers are not as "national" as you are.
Its not like they are working for, say a clothes company that started in Canada then moved its HQ to Vermont and uses cheaper labour in India to make those clothes.
Now that would just be wrong. Wouldn't it. ;)
 
http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/12.07/oil.html

I have long been interested in alternative  energy particularly the tar sands in alberta and oil shale in the US.

http://www.worldenergy.org/wec-geis/publications/reports/ser/shale/shale.asp
 
TCBF said:
" Canadian nationalism will eventually prevail. We will not be defeated."

Not by others we won't, but by ourselves.   We are rapidly pissing away our democratic heritage and emerging as the world's first sub-arctic banana republic.   Nationalism should be built on a common set of values and history created by a people who have endured together.   Hard to do when the world has been   deemed to have been created when Pearson and Gordon brought us medicare.   The minister of finance at the time, a businessman named Hellyer said it was a bad plan - "inflationary" - but who needs to listen to people with real life experience in meeting a payroll when dogma rules?

So what happens when the consumers outnumber the producers?   Maybe we can load up on CP Ships and sail away to another Stalinist paradise.   Don't try and talk to the crew, they don't speak English or French.

Tom


What's wrong with being optimistic. It's true most countries have some private health care delivery, but if Mulroney and Chretien hadn't downloaded onto the provinces due to the private debt-based economic system, we'd be fine.

It's English Canadians whose culture has been water-down, not French Canadians, because Americans speak English and have seduced our leaders into adopting economic and cultural liberalism in the true, libertarian laissez-faire sense of the word. We need to defend ourselves. No French-Canadians will do it for us apparently.
 
If you haven't realized it yet, no one is listening to you....
 
tomahawk6 said:
http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/12.07/oil.html

I have long been interested in alternative   energy particularly the tar sands in Alberta and oil shale in the US.

http://www.worldenergy.org/wec-geis/publications/reports/ser/shale/shale.asp

Confused. Neither of these are "alternative" energies. There just regular 'ol oil tied up in a different medium.

So with the price of a barrel of oil climbing rapidly towards 60 dollars, how is that going to affact the whole security issue? Should we and the States be looking at things like Hydrogen and Methanol (?) more closely and expanding the support services for these energies?

Oh, and don't get me started on Alberta and its "debt free" status. Now all they have to do is improve their standard of living and lower their pollution (1st amoung provinces) to that which reflects the fact that they are the 2nd richest provence in Canada. Maybe they will, maybe they won't.
 
It's English Canadians whose culture has been water-down, not French Canadians, because Americans speak English and have seduced our leaders into adopting economic and cultural liberalism in the true, libertarian laissez-faire sense of the word.

It's true that English Canada has been "watered down" but not because of the wicked seductions of America. We English Canadians have done it to ourselves by buying into the federal game of placating Quebec nationalism at any price.

Since the accession of Trudeau we have supported a series of policies that have been little more than cultural vandalism (where the very word Dominion was erased, the Armed Forces sacked, the diplomatic corps reduced to a grim joke, the primacy of parliaments eroded in favour of judicial fiat, etc, etc) and we have done so with increasing abandon.

In a sense, English Canada has been orphaned (lobotomized?) by the collapse of the British Empire and since the end of WW2 we've adopted what Levesque once described as a "bicultural, bilingual monstrosity" in its place where the ersatz values of the state have supplanted the old verities of King and Country.

That may be a good thing in some ways. Perhaps national unity should be the overriding ideal that trumps everything else. It's one of the reasons why the Liberal Party descended into corruption in Quebec.   As Chretien said what's a few million to save the country? But meantime we English Canadians have lost our history in the pursuit of false Gods promising Compassion on Earth and National Unity in Our Time.

We now think of ourselves as a little more than a giant hospital ward where the murder and torture of an innocent citizen in Iran counts for nothing beside the true atrocity of waiting for a hip replacement. We get saturation media coverage of the latter and a one day wonder for the former (even with the revelation that Ottawa continued to play footsy with Iranian officials while supposedly denouncing the regime in public.)

I think Peter Brimelow (whose book on Canadian federalism, The Patriot Game, is considered by the chattering classes as the political equivalent of Alister Crawley's book on Satanism) once said it best - that Canadian nationalism - as defined by the liberal-left in this country - was one of the great "toad stools of history" - and considering the results of the past 30 years it's hard not to agree.

rant out,

cheers, all, mdh


 
Well spoken mdh!

As for the post on liberalism, libertarian, and  laissez-faire, I would suggest you get a good quality dictionary or encyclopedia, as the true meaning of these words is at varience to most of what we see done here in Canada. (Hint, look up Socialism. You might want to look at related concepts like Bolshevikism and "National Socialism" at the same time to see which way that road leads)
 
Like BMD, these technologies are evolving, just more slowly than we might like, and certainly not fast enough to make a huge dent in oil consumption in the next five years.

http://www.technologyreview.com/articles/05/04/issue/forward_gas.asp?p=0

Gas-Guzzling Hybrids
By David Talbot April 2005

In December, General Motors and DaimlerChrysler showed off the technology at the heart of their recently ­announced hybrid-car partnership. The companies said that the contraptionâ ”a transmission packaged with two electric motorsâ ”would be in vehicles for sale in 2007, boosting their fuel economy by 25 percent. GM's announcement claimed it would â Å“advance the state of hybrid technology in the industry.â ? But the system will, in the end, produce an SUV that averages about 20 miles per gallon instead of 16; the Toyota Prius hybrid averages 55.

Still, experts say the new technology is a real advance. It's just not one aimed at changing the gas guzzler culture. GM and Daimler have built a hybrid system that's geared to squeezing a few extra miles per gallon from the big engines inside beefy pickup trucks, SUVs, and luxury sedans.

The Prius has a small gas engine and, overall, leans significantly toward the electric side of the hybrid equation. An electric motor propels the car at low speeds and works with the gas engine at higher speeds. The catch: much of the motor's electricity is generated by a second motor tethered to the gas engine, a process that's only 70 to 85 percent efficient. That's a good bit worse than the 98 percent efficiency with which a gasoline engine can transfer its torque to the road when only the gears of its transmission mediate. This loss is often not a big problem, since at low speeds, the gas engine is less efficient at producing torque. But when, say, the car is pulling a heavy load or traveling at highway speeds, it would be better for the gas engine to do the work directly. And trimming that loss of efficiency becomes more important when the engine is larger.

Enter the GM-Daimler transmission. The eight-cylinder engines it will be paired with feature â Å“displacement on demandâ ? technology, which shuts down individual cylinders at steady or low speeds. Its control systems put more emphasis on direct use of the gas engine, but in ways that keep it operating at peak efficiency, depending on how many cylinders are in use. And with an additional set of gears, the control systems can transfer nearly all of the engine's torque to the asphalt when the efficiency numbers call for it. â Å“This is the next contribution to a radical change in the way drive power is provided,â ? says Thomas Keim, an engineer at MIT's Laboratory for Electromagnetic and Electronic Systems. If only its impact at the pump were more radical.
 
From the Financial Times

http://news.ft.com/cms/s/a3b6a0c2-a792-11d9-9744-00000e2511c8.html


IMF warns on risk of 'permanent oil shock'
By Javier Blas in London
Published: April 7 2005 20:02 | Last updated: April 7 2005 20:02

The world faces â Å“a permanent oil shockâ ? and will have to adjust to sustained high prices in the next two decades, the International Monetary Fund said on Thursday in the starkest official warning yet about the long-term outlook for energy supplies.


Predicting surging demand from emerging countries and limited new supplies from outside the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries after 2010, Raghuram Rajan, IMF chief economist, said: â Å“We should expect to live with high oil prices.â ?

â Å“Oil prices will continue to present a serious risk to the global economy,â ? he added.

The IMF forecast in its World Economic Outlook that crude would cost $34 a barrel in 2010 in today's money and would rise to $39-$56 a barrel in 2030. The predicted prices are well above market and oil industry expectations. They are also much higher than the latest long-term forecast from the International Energy Agency, the oil watchdog, of real oil prices of $27 a barrel in 2010 and $34 a barrel in 2030.

â Å“The shock we see is a permanent shock that is going to continue... and countries need to adjust to that,â ? said David Robinson, deputy IMF chief economist.



US warns of need for more Opec production

Opec will need to increase production further to balance the oil market in the second half of the year, the US government said.

The IMF called on emerging countries in Asia, which this year would account for 40 per cent of the increase in oil demand, to curb their fuel subsidies. Several countries in the region, including China, Indonesia and Malaysia, have recently increased petrol prices in an attempt to reduce consumption.

The IMF based its forecast on a sharp rise in global oil demand, particularly from increased vehicle ownership in China, and non-Opec production reaching a plateau around 2010.

It expects oil demand to grow at a yearly rate of 2.1m barrels a day above the 1.5m b/d the market considers sustainable to reach 138.5m b/d in 2030.

Some analysts are sceptical about the IMF's demand and projections, pointing out that no other international energy body shares its view.

But the IMF's report paints a gloomy picture for energy consumers: â Å“With global dependence on oil production from Opec countries rising, much would depend on Opec supply response; most likely however, there would be growing upside risk to prices.â ? It estimates that the cartel, which controls 40 per cent of global oil production, would need to invest about $350bn to 2030 in new installations.

The IMF warning came as the US Department of Energy on Thursday raised its oil price forecast in 2005 and 2006 to about $55 a barrel, up more than $6 from last month.

US crude futures were flat in late afternoon trade on Thursday at $55 a barrel.
 
By the looks of it, I'd say 55$ is even a little low. Its scary how fast it is going up these days.

I think a hybrid is the next pick as far as cars go.
 
A bit more perspective as to what is happening in the outside world


What to Do About the Gas â Å“Crisisâ ?
Maybe nothing.

By Jerry Taylor & Peter Van Doren

EDITOR'S NOTE: This piece appears in the May 9, 2005, issue of National Review.

Despite what you may have heard, oil and gasoline prices have yet to reach record levels â ” once we adjust for inflation. Even so, the gasoline price spike that began in the fall of 2002 is the second most dramatic in American economic history â ” steeper than those in 1973, 1990, and 2000, and nearly as great as that experienced between 1979 and 1981. A back-of-the-envelope calculation finds that the average household today spends between $63 and $79 a month more for gasoline than it did just three years ago.

#AD#Perhaps the absence of an identifiable villain has dampened political outrage. Oil companies are making record profits, but there's no evidence that they're holding anything back from the market. Likewise, neither terrorists nor Iraqi insurgents have had any significant impact on OPEC production. Global oil production was 66.8 million barrels a day in 2002, 69.2 million in 2003, 72.5 million in 2004, and is at record levels in 2005.

Regardless, gasoline prices aren't particularly consequential in the grand scheme of things. Sure, we're approaching the record prices paid for gasoline in 1981 â ” about $2.42 a gallon in today's dollars â ” but on average we're a bit more than half again as wealthy today as we were then. If we consider gasoline prices in relation to per capita disposable income, they are only 58 percent of what they were in 1981, 44 percent of what they were in 1955, and about 90 percent of what they were in 1972. That probably explains why gas-guzzlers are still selling as well as ever and politicians are hearing little outrage from constituents.

What's driving the oil market is demand â ” not primarily from American SUVs, mind you, but from the awakening economic giant that is China. U.S. consumption grew by about 700,000 barrels a day between 2002 and 2004, but Chinese consumption grew more than twice as fast: by 1.47 million barrels a day. But, even accounting for China, global oil consumption has increased by only 5.3 percent since 2002. How could that have resulted in a near doubling of world oil prices?...
 
Energy Outage
The president and a misbegotten bill.

President Bush said the other day that he wishes he could wave a magic wand and make gas prices go down. That sounds like a plan that would almost be as effective as his misbegotten, long-languishing energy bill. Bush relentlessly touts the legislation as a potential salve for high gas prices, but it won't be, because it runs afoul of a force with which Bush should be familiar â ” the free market.

Bush's latest proposal is to allow oil refineries to be built on former military bases. This is clever, since the bases are isolated â ” away from immediate neighbors who might object to refineries â ” and no one knows what to do with them otherwise. Why hadn't anyone thought of this before? Because no one wants to build refineries on military bases.

Bush argues that regulations and community opposition have kept any new refineries from being built since 1976. But the refinery industry has been upgrading existing refineries that are conveniently located near oil terminals and pipelines (and, notably, not on military bases). In contrast, the expense of building a new refinery is a risk in a highly competitive business with narrow profit margins. In other words, it doesn't make economic sense. Ain't the market inconvenient, especially for a politician trying to â Å“solveâ ? high gas prices?

Take nuclear energy. Bush is touting incentives for energy companies to build more nuclear power plants, something that hasn't happened since the 1970s. He cites bureaucratic roadblocks to building plants, but the main obstacles have been economic. Financing a new nuclear power plant is a massive, risky investment. It's much safer to build relatively cheap, smaller oil-fired plants, which technology through the years has made as efficient as large-scale plants.

Then, there's the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). Allowing drilling there is the most controversial part of Bush's energy plan. Overheated environmentalists claim it will despoil pristine wilderness. Actually, ANWR is a vast, desolate bog. But put that aside. ChevronTexaco, ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips all have backed off their support for drilling.

Let it never be said the administration is slavishly beholden to Big Oil. The proceedings of Vice President Dick Cheney's notorious energy task force might have gone something like this. Cheney: â Å“We want to drill in ANWR.â ? Cigar-chomping oil executive: â Å“Mr. Vice President, there might not be as much oil there as first thought, and when you consider the costs of drilling through permafrost and the long distances involved, it probably makes no economic sense.â ? Cheney: â Å“Well, tough.â ?

The main backers of drilling are the state of Alaska, which will get oil royalties; unions, which will get jobs; and conservatives for whom sticking it to hyperventilating enviros is a matter of principle. But oil companies aren't in the mix. â Å“If the government gave them the leases for free they wouldn't take them,â ? an administration official recently told the New York Times.

The rest of Bush's energy bill is a grab-bag of subsidies for new technologies â ” for â Å“cleanâ ? coal, fusion energy, hydrogen-powered fuel cells, etc. â ” that are likely dead-ends, or the people interested in developing them wouldn't be so needful of the federal teat. The reason that gas prices are up now is supply and demand. Economic growth around the world, especially in China, is creating more demand. Eventually, the market will adjust. High prices will force people into more fuel-efficient cars, thus relieving demand and the upward pressure on prices.

That's how the market works. As energy expert Jerry Taylor of the Cato Institute points out, the Bush administration first came up with its energy bill in 2001, when the California energy crisis prompted predictions of electricity shortages and skyrocketing prices everywhere. The energy bill never passed, but investors moved to capitalize on the high prices by building more generating capacity, creating a current glut in electricity supply. Bush can either wait for the market to take hold again, or try waving that magic wand.

â ” Rich Lowry is author of Legacy: Paying the Price for the Clinton Years.

(c) 2004 King Features Syndicate
 
http://www.nationalreview.com/lowry/lowry200505020802.asp
 
Gas prices in the US ARE related to lack of new refineries. The environmental lobby has blocked the construction of new refineries as well as new nuclear power plants. The problem of the basing for refineries program is that few of these bases are located near a port. All the more reason to accelerate oil shale extraction in Colorado.
 
tomahawk6 said:
Gas prices in the US ARE related to lack of new refineries. The environmental lobby has blocked the construction of new refineries as well as new nuclear power plants. The problem of the basing for refineries program is that few of these bases are located near a port. All the more reason to accelerate oil shale extraction in Colorado.

Isn't Bushie boy planning on building refineries on newly closed military bases? Keep those jobs in town and all?
 
Too bad so many people do not understand economics, otherwise claimes like the ones raised in this article (and other places, like right here in Ontario, where corm based ethanol is being added to gasoline by law; despite the fact it takes 5 units of energy to produce 4 units of ethanol energy [that is the most optomistic estimate BTW]).

What is interesting is the suggestion that the dramatic reduction of oil consumption by the US (by whatever means) woudl actually help potential competators such as China and India, who could use the cheap oil to expand their economic and military muscle. Obviously, this topic has many unexpected ramifications.

Alternative-Fuel Nonsense
Forcing the U.S. to import less oil would only hurt Americans.

By Alan Reynolds

Proposals for extra billions of dollars in federal subsidies invariably attract impressive bipartisan support. If someone proposed big subsidies to replace fuel-guzzling airplanes with hot-air balloons, organizations would instantly spring up and eminent Beltway bandits would scramble for a piece of the action. Groups with names like â Å“Americans for Everything Wonderfulâ ? would suddenly flood the talk shows with representatives arguing that we could easily reduce dependence on imported oil by simply elevating our balloons with imported liquefied natural gas. Lobbyists inconspicuously tied to the coal or corn industries might provide additional hot air about methanol or ethanol. If the White House and Congress were dominated by Democrats, the sales pitch would be about cooling the planet. If Republicans held the purse strings, balloon subsidies would become a national-security emergency.

The current debate about U.S. oil policy is equally enlightened. It is dominated by a special-interest lobby whose primary interest is to enrich automakers and alternative-fuel producers, and by journalists whose enthusiasm for the green agenda has clouded their understanding of basic economics.

In 2004, the Apollo Alliance was patched together as an election-year opportunity to promote $300 billion in federal subsidies and tax breaks, largely for ethanol and methanol to (as the Kerry campaign put it) â Å“help farmers and coal miners.â ? This year, it has again endorsed a $12-billion subsidy plan.

Meanwhile, Set America Free, a group associated with the Apollo Alliance, has made a highly publicized claim that the government could painlessly bribe or compel Detroit (but not BMW or Infiniti) to make cars that get 500 miles per gallon. This bizarre number starts with the Toyota Prius, which gets about 44 mpg. What they don't tell you is that the figure would fall to 32 mpg if the Prius ran on the group's proposed mix of 85 percent ethanol. They claim such a car's mileage per gallon could be doubled by adding heavy batteries to be plugged in for short trips on electricity (i.e., 67 horsepower and no air conditioning) alone.

Even if drivers were willing to do this, it would be bad for the environment. As the Sierra Club's Dan Becker notes, â Å“coal is more polluting than gasoline, and nearly 60 percent of U.S. electricity is generated by burning coal.â ? Yet the plug-in supposedly gets us up to 100 mpg, which magically rises to 500 by assuming one out of every five or six gallons consists of gasoline and the rest is ethanol or methanol (and pretending those fuels can be produced without energy). They mean gallons of petroleum, not fuel. But it takes a lot of petroleum to farm corn (fertilizer, pesticides, and farm-equipment fuel), convert it to ethanol, and get it to market. By the same logic by which the IAGS came up with that 500 mpg figure, an all-electric car or a methanol-powered giant truck could be said to get infinite miles per gallon.

A closer look at some of Set America Free's supporters sheds a little light on the group's political objectives. Aside from their association with the Apollo Alliance â ” whose raison d'être is to promote ethanol and methanol subsidies â ” the group is significant in that one-third of their masthead consists of directors and advisors to the Institute for Analysis of Global Security (IAGS), although just two are identified as such. Other individuals not directly affiliated with IAGS or Apollo include a few prominent names identified only by their past government jobs, even though some now have conflicting interests in energy companies and electric utilities. IAGS's directors and advisors include an executive director of the International LNG Alliance, the vice chairman of the International Committee on Coal Research, an executive director of the Gas Technology Institute, a founder of DCH Technology Inc. (a fuel-cell company), a founder of Global Energy Investors LLC, and a principal of Energy and Communications Solutions LLC.

What such disinterested advisors have in common is that they want to send $4 billion to U.S. automotive manufacturers to build the hybrids Japan already sells, $4 billion to â Å“demonstration plantsâ ? to produce methanol or ethanol and provide the related pumps, $2 billion to those who will â Å“continue work on commercializing fuel cell technology,â ? and $2 billion to the incentive bin in the form of tax breaks for those rich enough to afford a $48,535 Lexus 400h or the larger new hybrids coming from GM and Ford (many of which promise only 10 to 15 percent better mileage than gas-powered equivalents).

The IAGS is a â Å“global securityâ ? advocacy group, interested in energy economics only as a roundabout means to their global (not national) foreign-policy objective. They want to impose stern conservation on U.S. (not foreign) motorists. Putting possible special-interest conflicts aside, the ideological rationale of IAGS is to use austerity in driving as unilateral economic warfare against two identifiable Middle Eastern oil producers.

Their argument begins by feigning alarm that â Å“22 percent of the world's oil is in the hands of state sponsors of terrorism.â ? But only three of the seven countries on the State Department's list of terrorism sponsors are oil exporters, and one of those is now occupied by U.S. forces. That leaves Iran and Libya, who account for merely 7 percent of world production. Reserves are irrelevant. Governments are paid for what they produce, not for what remains in the ground. A full 93 percent of the proposed austerity in U.S. oil demand would be aimed at oil-producing countries who are not state sponsors of terrorism, notably Canada, Mexico, and the U.S. itself.

The IAGS nonetheless theorizes, â Å“Reducing demand for Middle East oil would force the petroleum-rich regimes to invest their funds domestically, seek ways to diversify their economies and rethink their support for America's enemies.â ? This echoes the â Å“geo-greenâ ? theme of New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, who wrote in January that â Å“if we put all our focus on reducing the price of oil â ” by conservation, by developing renewable and alternative energies and by expanding nuclear power â ” we will force more reform [of Middle Eastern politics] than by any other strategy.â ? He promised $18 a barrel would guarantee â Å“political and economic reform from Algeria to Iran.â ?

But the process of replacing older vehicles with ethanol-fueled plug-in hybrids would move with glacial slowness, and would not shrink global oil demand enough to collapse oil prices. That is why Friedman proposes to further decrease demand by raising U.S. taxes high enough to keep gasoline above $4 a gallon regardless of the price of crude. In practice, this would simply mean that we would pay much more for gasoline so other nations could pay less.

Even if world oil did fall back to $18 a barrel, as Friedman would like, there would be no incentive for Asia or Europe to economize on oil use at all, nor for anyone to supply or demand expensive alternatives. Besides, the price of oil was below $18 nearly all the time from February 1986 to June 1999 â ” falling as low as $11 at the end of 1998 and remaining below $20 through the end of 2001. Yet cheap oil did nothing to promote economic or political liberty in Algeria, Iran, or anywhere else. This theory has been tested â ” and it failed completely.

Serious economic warfare has to be multinational to stand any chance of doing any damage to anyone except the consuming countries who are inflicting artificial scarcity on themselves. Forcing the U.S. alone to import less oil just leaves more oil available to other countries at a lower price. And even a broadly supported multinational embargo that really did curb Iraq's oil sales did nothing to dislodge Saddam Hussein; it just hurt the Iraqi people, pushed oil prices higher (helping Iran and others), and enriched Saddam and some other thieves. A prolonged unilateral embargo against Fidel Castro did not dislodge him either.

Given this history, it's hard not to conclude that the 500-mpg claim and its geo-green â Å“global securityâ ? rationale are simply excuses for wasting even more taxpayer dollars on subsidies and special tax breaks.

â ” Alan Reynolds is a senior fellow with the Cato Institute.
 
http://www.nationalreview.com/nrof_comment/reynolds200505270855.asp
   
 
VDH on energy (also in the National Post)

Energy Compromises?
by Victor Davis Hanson
Private Papers

A shorter version of this essay recently appeared in the National Post (Toronto).

We must be careful in warning about an 'energy crisis,' since past Cassandras-of-doom have been habitually proven wrong by new oil finds and continual fuel savings through novel technologies.

Over the past thirty years, each time an alarmist screeched about the need for a Manhattan-like project to draw fuel from North American oil shale, or to reinvent the automobile, it seemed that oil producers instead turned on the taps, or the world sank into recession, causing petroleum prices to collapse - and all of us to go back to our old unexamined habits of energy acquisition and consumption. No wonder private enterprise is skeptical of perennial energy panic, when professors, legislators, and pundits advise and lecture - and businessmen alone pay when they prove to be wrong.

But things may be changing in this recent energy Perfect Storm, one that really does imperil our very livelihood. Fuel-importing India and China are suddenly buying all the petroleum they can contract, radically changing not only the world economy, but also altering geopolitical relationships in as yet unforeseen ways. Globalization is extending Western lifestyles to new billions worldwide. Utopian environmental restrictions in affluent societies circumscribe energy exploration and production while doing very little to curb its consumption.

Yet there is something about $2.70 gas and the threat of another 9/11 that changes even the most entrenched ideas about our current energy habits. The Right used to believe that the omniscient market could adjudicate almost everything: let the specter of eventual $5-a-gallon gas deal with the problem of driving a 7,000-pound, 10-mile-per-gallon behemoth down the street to the supermarket. When the tab at the gas station get too high, or so free-market gospel preaches, people can make their own adjustments far more efficiently than clumsy bureaucrats and distant functionaries.

While persuasive in theory, such laizze-faire policy, in fact, is fraught with peril in the case of national energy policy. Whereas Detroit turns out too many gas-guzzling SUVs and trucks, Japan, reminiscent of the 1970s, is once again ahead of the curve and capturing market share in providing more fuel efficient and better hybrid cars - with long-term detrimental results for the US economy, as crisis returns to the American automobile industry.

While high gas prices would eventually determine consumer choices, in the meantime billions of petrol dollars will continue to pile up in Iran and the Gulf, and thus fuel everything from Teheran's nuclear ambitions to world-wide Wahhabist madrassas and mosques. Imported energy is increasingly at the heart of mounting U.S. trade imbalances and the weak dollar, as America is learning that its privileged lifestyle is now emulated by 2 billion Chinese and Indians, who will work longer and more cheaply to ensure access to the energy abroad to fuel their similar materialist dreams.

An historical transfer of massive capital is underway. The world is sending its hard-earned wealth to oil-producing nations, who unlike China, India, Japan, Europe, and the United States, are mostly accidentally profitable. Most of them have done none of the hard work of creating industry or enacting market reforms to ensure success through manufacturing, finance, or knowledge-based industries. The Saudis merely pump the oil that others have found and developed for them at $5 a barrel and sell it for $55.

The Indians are transforming their entire economy; the Iranians, in contrast, are prosperous despite their Dark-Age worldview. The Chinese are earning their affluence though market reforms, the parasitical Gulf States by an accident of geology.

Indeed, we can witness how pernicious price-gouging is to the global economy, not just in the impoverishment that it causes the Third-World importing nations, but through the disruptions that plague the profiteers as well. Nigeria, Venezuela, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Algeria are some of the most corrupt, unstable, and non-transparent societies on the globe, in part because their oil-rich elites have been able to masque their failures with cash or bribe their way out of needed reform.

Meanwhile, the Left is straight jacketed by the same purist creeds. We have been told for three decades that solar power and hydrogen will save us, along with windmills and wave-machines, even though such alternate sources of powers are presently either impractical or years away from fruition. Environmentalists insist that coal is too dirty and hot, nuclear power too dangerous, hydroelectric too injurious to native streams and fish - almost everything too something to exploit fully.

In consequence, as we bicker and remain paralyzed, the cost of energy skyrockets, many of our enemies grow even more awash in cash, and our financial and security options are increasingly curtailed by energy considerations.

The answer to the dilemma lies in two general principles that define all political compromise: the acceptance that we face no perfect selection between good and bad alternatives, but at this late hour only a decision between bad and worse choices. Second, there is no single solution, but a medley of incremental changes that alone in their aggregate can allow us to maintain our political autonomy, financial health, and standard of living.

How then do we produce more energy and use less, to drive down world's prices for petroleum, helping both ourselves and the world economy at large? Environmentalists must outgrow their Three-Mile-Island/Chernobyl-era paranoia and embrace nuclear power. It is not a perfect answer, and demands care in both its operation and storage of its waste. Yet the nuclear option does not cause global warming, does not release toxic clouds of smoke into the environment, and does not entail scarring the landscape through extensive mines.

Were the United States producing 75% rather than 20% percent of its electrical power needs from nuclear power plants, natural gas prices would plummet, and the fuel could be used exclusively, as it should, to heat homes rather than to fire generators. Off-peak, nuclear-produced electricity is ideal for recharging at night new hybrid and electrical commuter cars. Again, we do not have to scrap our SUVs tomorrow, just gradually accept that one alternatively-fueled, small commuter car per household should be the norm for short-term trips to work and nearby shopping.

Drilling in Alaska, exploring for new wells off the continental coast, or exploiting shale oil in North America should likewise all be on the table. If the United States does not encourage and tap new sources of fossil fuels, the global price will only climb. Poorly scrutinized development in the fragile Russian Arctic, the already polluted Persian Gulf, or off the once pristine coast of Africa will only accelerate.  In contrast, North Americans can find sources of energy in ways that are far more environmentally sound than the practices of other nations; in an increasingly globalized landscape, we owe it ourselves in an ethical sense to produce carefully the energy that we now consume and seem to demand it be produced mostly by others.

Conservatives, who favor nuclear power and more traditional energy exploration, should embrace mandated conservation as critical - and yet improbable without state sanction. Contemporary energy-efficient homes, fuel-thrifty automobiles, and more economical appliances all evolved as a result of government targets, public right-to-know laws, and, yes, occasional subsidies.

Again, we all trust in free markets, but must remember that the defeat of Japan through nuclear weaponry, our present driving on an integrated freeway system, and the airports that facilitate modern jet travel were all possible only through government partnerships with private enterprise. We need something like that on a far greater scale to ensure that we squeeze out the most use of every cubic foot of natural gas and gallon of fuel we burn.

Increased production of oil and gas, greater reliance on nuclear power, far more fuel efficient automobiles and homes, alternate energy consumption from hybrid cars to ethanol blended fuels - right now all this can get us through the present mess until we reach the promised utopia of a non-polluting, endless supply of wind, solar, or hydrogen. And doing the practicable, rather than waiting for the theoretical, might also ensure our survival just in case such energy nirvanas turn out to be mythical rather than right on the horizon.

This new consensus will require a radical change in attitude. An environmentalist must think of the dangers of nuclear power as far less pernicious than the harm of coal plants. A conservative should accept that government guidance in the domestic market is not as bad as empowering a nuclear Iran or Wahhabist Saudi Arabia.

While dreamers insist on waiting for a world of windmills and rooftop photovoltaic cells, they should concede that insistence on the future perfect solution will be the death of the good option right now, given that 30 years of energy crises have still not yet produced a viable alternative to fossil fuels and nuclear power. Finally, conservatives, as their name implies, should conserve; and liberals must be liberal and open to once taboo solutions to old problems.

©2005 Victor Davis Hanson
 
Back
Top