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Making Canada Relevant Again- The Economic Super-Thread

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And here, reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and mail is a report on yet another proposal to move oil from Alberta to overseas markets, this time through Churchill, MB:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/oils-new-arctic-passage-to-europe/article13803628/#dashboard/follows/
report_on_business.jpg

Oil’s new Arctic passage to Europe

JEFFREY JONES
Calgary — The Globe and Mail

Published Thursday, Aug. 15 2013

As some of the biggest players in Canada’s oil industry fight for proposals to move the product west, south and east, a new plan is emerging to move crude north.

Omnitrax Inc., a private U.S. company that owns Churchill, Man.’s port, may provide a new channel for moving crude to markets on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean.

The Denver-based company, which also owns Manitoba’s northern railway, is nearing a test run to ship oil through its system as part of an ambitious plan that could see Western Canadian crude moving for the first time to Europe’s largest port via tanker across Hudson Bay.

If the plan is realized, it would run counter to long-established crude oil flows, in which east coast Canadian refineries have imported their feedstock from North Sea and Middle East suppliers.

It is also among a growing number of potential options for diversifying oil exports as production climbs and major pipeline proposals face lengthy regulatory delays.

Under the plans by Omnitrax, light-grade crude from Alberta and the Saskatchewan-North Dakota Bakken region, shipped to Churchill on its Hudson Bay Railway, could also feed refineries on the East Coast of North America.

Omnitrax made headlines early this week when Manitoba Conservative MP Merv Tweed resigned from the government to become president of the company.

“Western Canadian crude has never moved to Rotterdam, and we think that competitively – and we’re talking about much smaller vessels than you would get out of Saudi Arabia, for example – we could serve that market,” said Mike Ogborn, an adviser to the board of Omnitrax.

The company plans to spend $2-million on a trial run as early as October so it can make adjustments to the port facilities. If approved by Transport Canada, the commercial phase – the loading of 10 tankers per season – would cost a “multiple of millions of dollars” to beef up the pipeline needed to transfer oil to ships, add pumps and install a new storage tank, he said. Omnitrax aims to start shipments next year or in 2015.

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Omnitrax looks to bolster the types of cargo it handles at Churchill’s port, a facility that had long been
dependent on grain exports by the Canadian Wheat Board, which lost its monopoly last year.


Omnitrax is proposing the plan as Canadian oil producers seek to move crude by train to overcome delays in pipeline projects. Those delays have constrained shipments and have consequently helped to lower prices for Western Canadian crude relative to U.S. and international oil prices.

Omnitrax has been in contact with about 25 oil producers as it seeks to attract volumes to Churchill, the northern harbor that is ice-free from July to October, Mr. Ogborn said. He did not name the companies courted as potential shippers. Omnitrax is seeking to bolster the types of cargo it handles at the port, which is a northern supply centre but also a facility that had long been dependent on grain exports by the Canadian Wheat Board, which lost its monopoly on such business last year.

The energy industry sees some merit in the plan alongside others being proposed to smooth out transport problems, but companies are still waiting for a firm proposal from Omnitrax, said Greg Stringham, vice-president of the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers.

Mr. Ogborn spoke to The Globe and Mail from The Pas, Man., a stop in a series of information sessions the company is hosting in northern communities this week. The public relations effort has been complicated by the devastating July 6 derailment and explosion of a freight train carrying oil through Lac-Mégantic, Que. That mishap killed 47 people and destroyed a large part of the town, and Mr. Ogborn said discussions about the safety of shipping crude by train account for a large part of the information sessions.

“We bring it up because we knew that it was on the forefront of many peoples’ minds,” he said. Officials’ main message is that the railway had already adopted many of the strengthened safety regulations that Transport Canada put in place in the aftermath of the disaster in Quebec.

The Manitoba government, which has helped fund track upgrades in recent years, supports diversifying the products moving on the Hudson Bay rails and through the port, but it is not ready support the project until it is satisfied that Omnitrax’s rail system can safely handle the volume of oil the company proposes, Infrastructure and Transportation Minister Steve Ashton said.

“Our concern is any kind of transport, particularly of any kind of commodity that can have impacts in terms of the environment, or other hazards, has to meet the highest environmental and safety standards,” Mr. Ashton said in an interview. “I want to stress that despite some of the progress in upgrading the track, we do have some concerns about the degree to which the current proposal meets our expectations.”

If Mr. Ogborn assuages these concerns, Omnitrax may find itself competing with TransCanada Corp.’s $12-billion Energy East pipeline plan to carry crude from western Canada to the East Coast and to export markets abroad including India.

TransCanada’s project, which still must clear regulatory reviews, would deliver up to 1.1-million barrels per day from Western Canada to Quebec in late 2017. A 1,400-kilometre extension would be built to ship oil to Saint John a year later.

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This report is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Financial Post:

http://business.financialpost.com/2013/08/30/canada-economy-growth-scenario/
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Here’s what needs to happen for Canada’s economy to take off again

Gordon Isfeld

13/08/30

OTTAWA — The U.S. economy has been picking up and overburdened Canadian consumers are still spending, as are fiscally strapped governments. But that’s hardly a scenario for robust growth in this country — not without the long-promised increase in business investment and expanded exports.

Without that corporate infusion, we’ll see much of the same near-anemic growth as in many previous months and quarters.

The most recent reading showed gross domestic product growing at an annualized pace of 1.7% between April and June.

That’s down from a revised 2.2% increase in the first quarter, Statistics Canada said Friday, which itself is less impressive than the original estimate of 2.5% growth.

“Consumers shouldn’t be [providing] an increasing share of the economy. They shouldn’t be adding all that much to their debt loads,” says Benjamin Reitzes, senior economist at BMO Capital Markets.

“For businesses, that reluctance is still there. They don’t want to spend that money just yet,” he said. “Business investment tends to track U.S. growth. So it’s likely that until the U.S economy picks up a little bit more, business investment is going to remain pretty lackluster. And, hopefully, exports will pick be up some of the slack.”

In its report, Statistics Canada said household spending was the biggest contributor to growth in the second quarter, rising by 0.9% — the largest gain since the fourth quarter of 2010. Most of those purchases were for vehicles, the fourth straight monthly increase in car sales and largest gain in more than a year.

Government spending, meanwhile, rose 0.6% in the second quarter — the fourth consecutive three-month gain.

In contrast, business investment in machinery and equipment was down 0.5%. Exports were up by just 0.2%, following a 1.3% gain in the previous three-month period.

“It is not clear that such consumer spending can be sustained in subsequent quarters, given record household debt and rising mortgage rates,” said United Steelworkers economist Erin Weir.

“Similarly, existing austerity policies and the federal government’s commitment to eliminate its deficit by 2015 for electoral reasons cast doubt on whether public expenditure will continue to support economic growth.”

In what is perhaps a sign of Canada’s inconsistent climb out of recession, private-sector forecasters had expected annualized growth of only between 1.5% and 1.6% in the second quarter.

On a monthly basis, however, GDP declined 0.5% in June — in line with private-sector forecasts — compared to a 0.2% gain in May. The monthly change was the largest drop since March 2009.

During June, the construction sector fell 1.9%, partly due to the construction strike in Quebec. Manufacturers saw production drop 1.3%, while mining and oil and gas extraction declined 0.3%.

“The quarter ended with a thud,” said CIBC World Markets economist Emanuella Enenajor.

“But there was no slowdown in household consumption, with spending there soaring. And even governments were less of a drag than expected . . . But a drag came from business capital and inventory investment.”

Leslie Preston, at TD Economics, said a drop in machinery and equipment spending “is consistent with flagging business confidence and [a] weak profit picture in recent quarters.”

“Modest growth in the second quarter served as a reminder that Canada’s economy is not yet out of the woods after last year’s growth slump. Canada is dependent on fortunes south of the border, and sub-par growth stateside in the first half of the year weighed on trade with knock-on effects on business investment. Fortunately, the resilient consumer is holding its own, as spending and residential investment continue to hum along, buoyed by decent employment growth and income gains.”

Still, the overall quarterly reading was above the 1% annualized increase expected by the Bank of Canada in its July outlook.

The Canadian economy grew by 1.7% in 2012, and the central bank is forecasting a gradual improvement to 1.8% this year and 2.7% in both 2014 and 2015. For the third quarter of this year alone, it is looking for 3.8% growth.

South of the border, the U.S. economy posted a gain of 2.5% in the second quarter of this year, beating independent forecasts of 2.2%. The outlook for the second half of 2013 is also around the 2.5% mark.

Moderate and choppy growth has left the BoC on the sidelines since September 2010, when policymakers set their key interest rate at 1%, initially to encourage spending by businesses and households coming out of the recession.

Economists do not anticipate any increase in that rate until at least the last part of 2014.


I have banged on about productivity for years - and no one is interested, I understand that - and I keep harping on one issue: it is management, the "executive suites" not labour, the "shop floor" that is the drag on Canada's productivity. Good wages are not a bad thing but timid, quarter-by-quarter results driven business leaders, who were afraid to invest in e.g. new production facilities when our dollar was strong to grow their enterprises are holding us back.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
I have banged on about productivity for years - and no one is interested, I understand that - and I keep harping on one issue: it is management, the "executive suites" not labour, the "shop floor" that is the drag on Canada's productivity. Good wages are not a bad thing but timid, quarter-by-quarter results driven business leaders, who were afraid to invest in e.g. new production facilities when our dollar was strong to grow their enterprises are holding us back.

Just try and do the same work with fewer employees in a sector dominated by unions. Without a sales/production/work increase to keep the same number of workers employed a productivity boost doesn't save any money and isn't worth the investment. Entire industries have been hollowed out due to this dynamic.
 
DBA said:
Just try and do the same work with fewer employees in a sector dominated by unions. Without a sales/production/work increase to keep the same number of workers employed a productivity boost doesn't save any money and isn't worth the investment. Entire industries have been hollowed out due to this dynamic.

While the Public sector is dominated by unions, the participation of unionized labour in the private sector has been declining for years, so with the exception of some segments of the economy like the "Big Three" automakers, I don't think this is the correct argument anymore.

A different avenue to explore is government regulations. I have read that the average small business person in Ontario needs to do 30 hr/week of government paperwork to meet the various federal, provincial and municipal regulations. This is a bit like telling the average person they can only do productive work (and earn their wages) for three weeks of every month. Certainly small business cannot effectively compete in the marketplace (much less the global market) if so much time and attention is needed for non productive "work". Large business can absorb the costs of dedicated HR and other staff to do the paperwork, but even then we are looking at units of highly paid professionals and lawyers who are not adding to the bottom line; something to consider when wondering why the Chinese, Koreans and even Indians are cleaning our clocks in the world market.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
And here, at last, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the New York Times, is a sensible explanation of the real crux of the inequality problem ~ it stifles socio-economic mobility which is not only a attribute of successful societies, I would argue it is a requirement:

http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/23/we-were-middle-class-once-and-young/?_r=1&

I think we are all familiar with the "rags to riches to rags" cycle in e.g. English history - one or two generations raise a family from nothing to riches, another one or two generations maintain that status and then another generation or two spend it all and reduce the family back to nothing. There is a pithy saying in Chinese that tells the same story in fewer words. We have, across humanity, a common view of socio-economic mobility and, also, a common sense that it is a good thing. What worries Krugman ~ and should worry us all ~ is that our "system" appears to be making socio-economic mobility harder to achieve. That Canada is somewhat less ossified than America is not a cause for celebration.


But Andrew Coyne, in an article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the National Post suggests that the inequality problem was solved about 20 years ago:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2013/09/02/the-myth-of-income-inequality/
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The myth of income inequality: Since the bleak 90s, things have actually gotten better

Andrew Coyne

13/09/02

By now the themes have been well established, through sheer repetition: stagnating real wages; the forgotten middle class struggling to keep up; the poor falling ever further behind, while the rich — why, even they’re falling behind, if by “rich” you mean anyone besides the top 1%.

We used to think of the poor when we spoke about “inequality.” Later, it came to mean something broader, the stark division of society into haves and have-nots, without an intermediating middle class to bridge the gap. Happily, it now applies to just about everybody: 99% of the population is now considered to be in a state of relative deprivation.

As such, inequality has become the obsession of the age. At least two opposition parties hope to capitalize on the issue in the next election. A Commons committee is beavering away at a report on it. Academics have never been busier. Modesty forbids commenting on my own industry’s contribution.

All of these are legitimate issues, in principle. A society in which the fortunes of the broad majority have ceased to improve will perforce be an unhappy one; a society with swelling numbers of the poor damn well ought to be. If income is increasingly concentrated among a permanent elite, it raises fundamental, and troubling, questions: whether social mobility is real, whether merit is rewarded, whether democratic government is even possible. A divided society is a recipe for social strife, if nothing else.

And, indeed, all of these were growing problems in Canada — twenty years ago. It was in the 1990s, generally remembered as a golden age of rising incomes and enlightened, liberal-minded governments, that things really looked bleak. Until well into the 1990s, the numbers living in poverty (Statistics Canada prefers to call it “low income”) continued to mount, peaking at over 15% in 1996. Real wages barely grew at all. Median family income fell through most of this period — from a peak of nearly $50,000 in 1980s, real after-tax income had dropped to just $40,000 by the mid-1990s: while the share of taxable income going to the top 1% rocketed skyward: from 8% in 1980, to 12% in 1998.

But since then? On every one of these measures, things have gotten better — or at the very least stopped getting worse. In every case, there is a kink in the data around the mid-to-late 1990s: steadily deteriorating up to that point, they either turn around or level off afterward. But don’t take my word for it, have a look at the charts.

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Poverty, first, where the news is quite remarkably good. The chart shows the proportion of the population living below StatsCan’s Low Income Cut-Off (LICO).

As you can see: rising before 1996, falling ever-after. Notwithstanding the recent recession, today it’s at an all-time record low. Not only are there fewer people living in poverty overall, measured against a constant real-dollar benchmark (the “1992 base”), but StatsCan reports they are spending less time there, on average, and on relatively higher incomes relative to the LICO.

Well, that’s all right for them. What about the middle class? (See median family incomes chart.)

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The three lines are for market (ie earned), total (ie including government transfers) and after-tax income. In all three cases, the pattern is repeated: steadily worse before 1998, steadily better after. To be sure, incomes, though at all-time highs, are only slightly better now (slightly worse, in the case of market incomes), coming out of the 2008 recession, than they were at their pre-recession peak in 1980. But that apparent “stagnation” obscures the two very different experiences in between.

Also worth noting: the “forgotten middle class” is already benefiting from the redistributive hand of the state. Prior to 1998, median market income typically exceeded after-tax income, meaning those families were paying in, on net; after 1998, the reverse is true.

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But it isn’t just about government handouts. Real wages (a reminder: that’s after inflation) also started growing in the 2000s, after years of flatlining. That’s more true for women, admittedly, than it is for men. (see average hourly wages chart). Men’s wages barely grew at all from about 1985 through 1998, and have only climbed modestly since then. Women’s wages, meanwhile, have climbed steady throughout — though both groups’ wage gains accelerated after 2005. The combined effect has been to narrow the gap betwen two: where women earned just 74 cents for every dollar a man earned in 1981, by 2011 that had closed to to 87 cents. And while real wages for both men and women declined slightly in 2011, they remain very near their all-time peak.

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What about inequality, then? One traditional measure is to look at the share of income going to the various “quintiles,” the bottom, second, third, fourth and top fifths of the population, ranked by income. (See market income – quintile shares chart.)

Again: a noticeable increase in the share going to the top 20% before 1998, no change after. The picture is broadly similar if you look at after-tax incomes (see income after taxes and transfers chart).

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If we set the average income for each quintile to 100 in 1976, we can see how each made out in the decades that followed (see relative income gains chart). The figures are for market incomes, without taking into account the leavening influence of taxes and transfers. Even so, while everyone’s incomes have been climbing since the mid-1990s (even the rich were losing ground before then) the bottom two quintilles have grown the fastest — faster even than the top group!

Another index of inequality, called the Gini coefficient, measures how far the distribution of incomes deviate from equality, along a range from zero (perfect equality) to 1 (perfect inequality). (See income inequality chart.)

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Once again: growing until 1998, flat ever since.

Why did things get relatively worse through the 1980s and 1990s, and why have they done relatively better since? The most obvious explanation: we went through two very nasty recessions, in the early 1980s and again in the early 1990s. Unemployment rose sharply, meaning many more people than usual were earning no income. That not only raised the poverty rate, but it dragged down median and average incomes as well. But from the middle 1990s through to 2008, the economy grew steadily, and all these trends reversed themselves.

na0903_coyne_7-jpg.jpeg


That doesn’t mean we shouldn’t be concerned about them. But it’s simply not true that inequality is growing worse, or that incomes have stagnated. It was true in the past; it is not now. Yet in the 1990s they were a non-issue, and today we can talk of nothing but.

Yes, yes, you’re saying, but what about the 1%? What’s happened there? Here are the most recent figures, as compiled by McMaster University’s Michael Veall:

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As Veall notes in a recent paper, “the surge did not continue smoothly after 2000.” No indeed: after growing steadily in the previous two decades, the share of income going to the top 1% in Canada was no higher as of 2009 than it was a decade earlier. To be sure, this was after the 2008 recession: perhaps, having fallen for the last two years, it will resume growing again. No one knows. But again, why was this not an issue, when it was unambiguously on the rise, but is all the rage today, when it is falling?

Possibly it reflects the influence of U.S. media. Poverty is at record highs in the United States; median incomes really have stagnated there; the share of income going to the top 1% has grown to levels far beyond anything experienced here. It is not unusual for people to think trends happening elsewhere must also be happening here.

Or perhaps it’s just a kind of latency: maybe it takes a couple of decades for events to sink in, before we start to protest against the things that were happening in our parents’ day.

National Post


Now, some people will not be persuaded because inequality is, in Canada, a political rather than an economic issue.
 
If only Andrew Coyne actually weighed in on the "other things worth measuring" he mentioned at the end of this piece, in order to make this competitiveness ranking less "arbitrary"...  :-\

National Post link

Andrew Coyne: Arbitrary criteria, arbitrarily weighted, Canada’s competitiveness ranking means close to nothing

The Global Competitiveness Report, as the World Economic Forum calls it, is the sonorous name given a ponderous inquiry into a meaningless concept.

The WEF, otherwise known for that annual exercise in esteem-building for global elites known as the Davos Forum, puts these things out every year, and every year the world’s media give them the same big play. Readers in every country are thus encouraged to bask in satisfaction or wallow in anguish over their country’s success or failure in a contest it had never occurred to them was on until then.

This year’s installment was no different. “India slips to lowest ever rank on global competitiveness,” ran the report in India’s Financial Express. “U.S. global competitiveness rising once again,” was Businessweek’s angle, while Malaysia’s New Strait Times was quite certain that “Malaysia is the 24th most competitive nation.” And so on, from the upbeat (“Azerbaijan moves up in global competitiveness rankings”) to the despairing (“Thais Fail in WEF education report”) to the determinedly optimistic (“Qatar leads the Mena region in competitiveness”).

Possibly no country pays it quite as much attention, however, as Canada, since that’s the sort of thing we do — and because the WEF has a partner here in the Conference Board, ever ready to raise the alarm at our declining national “competitiveness.” Since that’s the sort of thing it does.

News that Canada had slipped to 14th, from the lofty heights of 9th in 2009, caused the board to haul out the heavy jargon. “Canada needs to focus its attention on blazing new trails that foster competitiveness and enhance its innovation and commercialization performance to create value-added growth,” it declared, in a companion report. “Canada actually fell four places in factors related to innovation and business sophistication,” the board’s vice-president of organizational effectiveness, Michael Bloom, added, “and that’s a real concern.”

Oh my God. Down four places in business sophistication! How can our kids ever hope to commercialize value-addedwise in an organizationally effective — er, hang on, what? I’m afraid it’s true: It’s right there on page 523. At least, that’s what the executives they surveyed say about us. While some of the report’s 12 “pillars” are made up of hard data, quantifiable things like “secondary education enrollment” or “mobile broadband subscriptions” (we’re 31rd on that event, if you’re scoring), much of it simply records businessmen’s subjective impressions on a host of abstract issues: How do companies in your country treat customers? How easy is it to obtain a bank loan in your country? Etc.

Of course, even it the report were derived entirely from verifiable facts, it still wouldn’t be the objective index it is sold as. Whatever score it might spit out for each country depends entirely on which data points the compilers think to include, and what weight it occurs to them to attach to each. Arbitrary criteria, arbitrarily weighted — or as the statisticians say, garbage in, garbage out.

Not that the results are entirely random. Delve into the report, and you notice a striking pattern: The countries that show up at the top of the competitiveness rankings — Switzerland, Singapore, Finland, Germany, the United States — are also the countries at or near the top of the productivity tables. The WEF takes 551 excruciating pages to reproduce what could have been found in a single column of numbers in any IMF annual, though in the latter case they would actually mean something.

What, after all, can a country’s competitiveness mean, in a world of floating exchange rates? If it were not able to compete in world markets at one exchange rate, it would surely be able to at another. But of course, it isn’t countries that compete at all: it’s the companies within each. If a company from Country A can make a better product at a lower cost than its competitor from Country B, that benefits B’s citizens as well as A’s, just as the superiority of B’s companies in other pursuits benefits A. Countries that trade with each other are not competing, so much as co-operating in a mutually beneficial enterprise.

What is true is that a country can either fit into that scheme as a relatively high-productivity, high-wage place to do business, or a low-productivity, low-wage one. To the extent that “competitiveness” means anything at all, then, it can only mean productivity. But that’s something you can actually measure, rather than ask executives to guess at.

I don’t want to say it’s an entirely useless exercise. Raising national productivity is a worthwhile goal, other things being equal, and the dozens of different data streams in the WEF report might well offer up some insights in that regard. It’s when you try to purée them all into a single number that everything turns to mush. As a rule, the more you try to stuff into an index, the less you get out.

That’s true of some other famous attempts at combining a complex array of statistical variables into a single “objective” gauge: The United Nations Human Development Index is one, as are the various proposed alternatives to GDP, such as the Genuine Progress Indicator. GDP is undoubtedly limited in what it can tell us — no economist would claim it was a measure of wellbeing, or that maximizing GDP was the only goal worth pursuing — but it measures what it measures: The value of all the goods and services a country produces in a year, measured by what people are willing to pay for them.

If we think other things are worth measuring, we should measure them, too. But how much weight to assign to each relative to other social goals will remain very much a subjective judgment — the sort of thing more suited to democratic debate than shadowy Swiss number-crunchers.

Postmedia News
 
As I have said before, I pay attention to that and several other indices, but I'm not concerned that we, Canadians, are first or fifth or even 14th. I am concerned that we are always in the "best" 10% in all the "good" indices for which we are qualified.

There is a real G-20, the "top 10%" of the world's nations, and Canada is a charter member in things like GDP (per capita), governance (transparency, democratic institutions, etc), competitiveness, quality of life, contributions (foreign aid, UN support, etc), life expectancy and, and, and, nearly ad infinitum. It is the sum of all these indicators that makes a country "top" or not. Thus China and India, despite their rapid rise in many things, still trail much smaller countries like Netherlands, New Zealand and Norway in their "development." They are powerful but deficient to the point of weakness in many areas; but, I think, they (China, for sure) recognize their deficiencies and actually use countries like Canada as "targets" for their own internal planning.

Prime Minister Chrétien used to crow when we were #1 in the UN's (less than really meaningful) Human Development Index; no one is crowing now that we have dropped to around 10th, but we are, still, clearly and correctly, well within that "top 10%," and that, our status across all the good indices rather than our absolute ranking in any one, is what matters.
 
To add a bit, I have attached a spreadsheet which is an index of indices. It shows the Top 10%/Top 20 in eight different categories: GDP (per capita), transparency (an expression of least corrupt governments), economic freedom (an expression of protection of property right at law), democracy (an expression of liberal democracy, including e.g. rights to freedom of speech and assembly), quality of life, human development, life expectancy (an indicator of public health) and defence spending.

Now I can be ~ should be ~ accused of "cooking the books" just a wee bit, but, in truth, those are the sorts of indices I follow.

In my estimation if your country's name isn't in colour you are not very "advanced," you may be rich but your still quite underdeveloped in broad  terms. Equally, the higher up the colour scale you go (from red through blue, green and orange through to magenta) the more advanced you are.

It will not be surprising to see that the "top" countries (magenta, orange, green and blue) are all rich ... it is hard to make progress if you are poor.

Perhaps the top two will be a tiny bit surprising. But it is also, maybe, worthy of note, that the USA just sneaks into the top 20 in 3 of the 8 indices and that France, Spain and Italy, all G-8 members, don't, really, make the grade at all.

Is there a coalition of democracies that have the economic and social capacity to work, in all areas including militarily on a global basis? Yes: Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States. (Note that Singapore doesn't make the "top 20" in the democracy index because of its restrictions of freedom of association, assembly and, to a lesser degree, speech.)
 
E.R. Campbell said:
But Andrew Coyne, in an article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the National Post suggests that the inequality problem was solved about 20 years ago:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2013/09/02/the-myth-of-income-inequality/

Now, some people will not be persuaded because inequality is, in Canada, a political rather than an economic issue.


The fact that income inequality has improved, we have gotten less and less unequal, in Canada over the past 20 years is totally lost on the overwhelming majority of Canadians - or, at least, of Globe and Mail readers. The Globe runs an unofficial poll every day; here are the results of today's:


Over time, Canada's income gap has become:

    Better          ~  9%

    Worse        ~ 83%

    Unchanged ~  7%


So, apparently, fewer than 10% of Canadians actually bother to find out the facts - is it any wonder so many vote Liberal or NDP?
 
E.R. Campbell said:
As usual, the Good Grey Globe's Jeffrey Simpson manages to get economic issues wrong, in this column which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/opinion/who-wants-to-talk-about-income-inequality/article2245133/

The problematic inequality is very narrowly focused: mainly on the celebrity CEOs. There is not significant problem with, for example, super-rich entrepreneurs like Bill Gates or with super-rich inherited wealth holders like the Rockeffelers - both are super rich but both are productive.

About 50 years the ratio of CEO salary (and bonuses) to unionized factory worker salary was about 40:1; that was not a problem, nor was 50:1 or 70:1. A ratio of 100:1 is a bit hard to justify by 60,000:1 (Disney's Michael Eisner circa 1995) is impossible to reconcile with any sane definition of "value." The Eisners and the Blankfeins (Goldman sachs) and the Fulds (Lehman Bros.) of this world are the face of the real inequality problem.

Jeffrey Simpson gets it all wrong when he suggests that we need income redistribution. That's monumentally f*cking stupid. Income redistribution is, at best, a short term band-aid that cures nothing, it just covers the wound for a while and allows the focus to shift away from productivity and value. What does need redistributing is opportunity and that is, in large measure, a function of public education. Too many people in too many places struggle with inadequate education system - here in Canada and, especially, in the USA. When we tolerate second rate schools we are, de facto, throwing away our most valuable resources: human brains. We can start with simple things like not mollycoddling "minority" children because they are black or brown - rather we can put food in their bellies (a teacher I know fairly well, who works in an inner city school, guesstimates that the easiest and cheapest way to improve the academic performance of about 1/3 of her students is to give them a half decent breakfast and a lunch; "kids don't need psychologists or even more, better computers to learn," she says, "they need full bellies - they cannot learn when they are hungry") and books in their school libraries.


While inequality is not (and never was) a really serious problem in Canada ~ a worry but not a threat ~ the same was not and still is not true for the Americans. The data is this article, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from The Washington Post, shows that the American economy, which is based on consumption, is still in trouble because the consumers are not making any economic progress:

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/09/13/this-is-how-everyones-been-doing-since-the-financial-crisis/
washingtonPost.png

This is how everyone’s been doing since the financial crisis

By Brad Plumer

Published: September 13

It's not really a happy anniversary. But we're coming up on the five-year mark for the financial crisis, which accelerated dramatically with the implosion of Lehman Brothers on Sept. 15, 2008.

So it's time to assess how the country has fared since. There are certainly some — those in the finance industry, for example — who can look back and basically breathe a sigh of relief. But many others don't have much reason to celebrate. Here's a rundown:

1) The financial sector has bounced back since the dark days of 2009:

US_FNSHR0710.gif


The immediate months after Lehman went bankrupt weren't kind to the banking sector. But the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve soon came to the rescue, and the financial industry made a strong recovery. By 2011, finance and insurance made up 8.4 percent of the U.S. economy, the level they reached at their peak in 2006.

2) The corporate sector as a whole is also doing quite well:

corporate-profits-percent-of-GDP.png


After a big dip during the recession, corporate profits have roared back to a record high as a share of GDP in 2013. In the five years since Lehman fell, corporate profits have risen at an annualized rate of 20.1 percent. (Those are profits after taxes, by the way.)

3) The wealthiest Americans are feeling much better:

10economix-sub-wealth-blog480.jpg


The top 1 percent of earners got hit hard by the recession, seeing their incomes drop 36 percent. But they've more or less recovered since, with incomes rising roughly 31 percent. Those stats come from a new paper by Emmanuel Saez at UC Berkeley.

The chart above comes from Annie Lowrey at the New York Times, who notes: "High stock prices, rising home values and surging corporate profits have buoyed the recovery-era incomes of the most affluent Americans."

4) As for the median American family... they're not doing so well:

median-household-income.png


The median household income in July was $52,113, according to a report by Sentier Research. That's 6.2 percent lower than the median in September 2008, the start of the financial crisis. And there hasn't been much growth since 2011.

That jibes with Saez's research, which notes that incomes of the bottom 99 percent have fallen 12 percent in the recession and have grown just 0.4 percent in the recovery.

5) Workers are faring poorly:

labor-is-losing.png


Labor's share of the national income has fallen to record lows. All sorts of theories have been put forward for this trend. High unemployment has held wages down since the recovery. But there are also long-term trends at work, too. Outsourcing and labor-saving technologies have allowed companies to boost profits while cutting payroll. U.S. productivity gains don't seem to be translating into higher wages the way they used to.

6) Labor unions, meanwhile, continue their long downward slide:

ted_20130124a.png


Private-sector unions have been in decline for decades, but the recession and recovery have also dealt a blow to public-sector unions. That's because state and local governments have been laying off workers and because states like Wisconsin and Indiana have rolled back union rights for many public employees. Those two states alone lost 102,000 union members in 2012.

7) The picture's even bleaker for people who lost their jobs during the recession:

NA-BX910_DROPOU_G_20130902182105.jpg


Americans who stayed employed through the recession have had a rough time, but not nearly as rough as those who lost their jobs. As Ben Casselman reported for the Wall Street Journal, life has been especially grim for the unemployed. Those who've been out of a job for more than 26 weeks are finding it nearly impossible to get back into the workforce.

8) African American and Hispanic men have been hit especially hard by unemployment:

job_crisis_race_gender_21-800x753.png


9) Young people are also getting crushed by the lackluster job market:

jobs_crisis_by_age_take_2-800x746.png


10) Or we can go by region. The typical household outside North Dakota, Nebraska and parts of Texas has seen its income stagnate:

a-1.png


This map from a December 2012 Census report shows that median household income either stagnated or fell between 2007 and 2011. The only real exceptions were shale- and farm-rich counties in states such as North Dakota and Nebraska.

11) Homeowners are recovering very, very slowly:

MW-BI076_corelo_20130910101814_MG.jpg


There are still 7.1 million American homeowners who are underwater on their mortgage — that is, they owe more than their home is worth. This number has started to come down for the first time this year as home prices rise nationwide, but that was after years of little progress. In Nevada, 36 percent of homeowners still have negative equity.


Two points:

    1. The author, Brad Plumer, is well known as a proponent of progressive (generally anti-capitalist) ideas; but

    2. The data does point to a flaw in the US recovery. America is having trouble adjusting to the massive loss of low skill, high wage industrial jobs. The data in chart 8 showing massive job losses for Black men
        illustrates this. Black men in America are, broadly, less well educated than White and, especially, Asian Americans and they are, therefore, least able to migrate to high skill jobs.

These data, no mater how interpreted, matter to Canada because we are so broadly and deeply tied to the US. If, as I suspect, the US recovery is deeply flawed then we, too, will suffer.
 
Interesting map on Household Income:

Incomes are increasing along the line of the Keystone XL pipeline from the Bakken Shale to the Gulf Refineries........

Every place else is getting poorer.
 
Alberta takes aim at its unfunded liabilities problem. Look for something similar coming to every other Canadian jurisdiction and the Federal government since the cost and potential negative blowback of unfunded liabilities is literally astronomical (the balance of Federal unfunded liabilities is @ $500 billion dollars, the balance for Alberta isn't quite so bad, but still a hidden cost that shoud be addressed):

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/alberta-tackles-pension-costs-with-sweeping-reforms/article14366399/

Alberta tackles pension costs with sweeping reforms
KELLY CRYDERMAN AND BILL CURRY
CALGARY AND OTTAWA — The Globe and Mail
Published Monday, Sep. 16 2013, 10:14 PM EDT
Last updated Monday, Sep. 16 2013, 11:10 PM EDT

Alberta is setting a dramatic course to rein in the surging costs of public pensions, including actively discouraging early retirement and cutting cost-of-living increases.

The effort to contain the cost of Alberta’s four separate public pension plans, with unfunded liabilities of more than $7.4-billion, is being called the boldest move yet on an issue facing governments across the country – finding a way to pay for pensions even as work forces age, life spans grow, investment returns from markets fall, and the pressure on public finances rises. And Alberta’s approach is different in another significant way: the Progressive Conservative government of Alison Redford will pass a law to impose the changes rather than negotiate them with public-sector unions.

Alberta Finance Minister Doug Horner said he is taking a “balanced approach” to reducing costs. “There’s no crisis today, but it’s the long-term sustainability that we need to address,” Mr. Horner said on Monday.

In 1993, Alberta’s public-sector pension plans – the Local Authorities Pension Plan, the Public Service Pension Plan, the Management Employees Pension Plan, and the Special Forces Pension Plan – had four working, contributing members for every two pensioners. Two decades later, the government says there are six contributing members for every four inactive members.

“The reality is, the demographic of our work force has changed tremendously since these plans were designed and the benefits put in place,” the minister said.

The key features of the new scheme include a cap on total contribution rates for government and its employees, a moratorium on benefit improvements until 2021, and a limit on pension cost-of-living adjustments to 50 per cent of Alberta’s inflation, instead of the current 60 per cent.

Those annual cost-of-living increases will be paid only if the plans’ finances permit. And long-serving government workers who can now retire early with a full pension will see reduced benefits if they retire before age 65.

Economist Don Drummond, who authored a major report last year for the Ontario government on how to address that province’s fiscal situation, said Alberta’s moves are the most aggressive yet. “It seems like every time one province does something on deficit reduction, it seems to get exported pretty quickly,” he said. “So the tic-tac-toe in this case was first Ontario and then New Brunswick – and New Brunswick in some important respects went further – and now Alberta, and they have gone further as well.”

Mr. Drummond had urged Ontario to increase the age at which full retirement benefits kick in, and also called for an end to the existing system in which pension shortfalls were addressed through higher contributions, rather than through cuts to benefits.

He said Alberta’s decision to legislate rather than negotiate the changes could prove controversial, as could the proposal to limit cost-of-living increases. “I guess everybody in Alberta better pray that [Bank of Canada Governor Stephen] Poloz is an inflation hawk, because man, that could whack you big time,” he said.

In Ontario, Mr. Drummond recommended that growth be tied to the performance of the pension funds. New Brunswick adopted a similar approach.

The Progressive Conservative government is confronting a deficit as high as $2-billion this year, and is facing its strongest political competition from the more conservative Wildrose party. Mr. Horner said he has been searching for solutions to the ills of Alberta pension plans for more than a year but many options proposed by others didn’t go far enough. He said raising pension contribution rates would make the Alberta government uncompetitive in its attempts to recruit the best workers.

Mr. Horner said more changes may be required if these don’t suffice, and noted that he’s watching Ottawa’s move to raise Old Age Security (OAS) program eligibility to age 67 from the current age 65.

While provinces such as New Brunswick have introduced pension-plan changes that make allowances for market conditions, unions say Alberta’s moves go further than necessary and are being legislated into being instead of negotiated.

Mr. Horner said he will listen for feedback on his plan until December and will introduce new legislation in the spring of next year. If the proposed changes go forward, the new rules will take effect on Jan. 1, 2016, but benefits already earned will be protected.

Unions said the proposals are more about looking for a win on the political right than hard numbers. Gil McGowan, president of the Alberta Federation of Labour, said in the end public servants will have to work longer to retire, while also seeing reduced benefits.

“If the government wants to make deep cuts and sweeping changes to pension plans, changes that will have profound implications for the retirement security of literally hundreds of thousands of Albertans, then we feel strongly that they have an obligation to prove that there is a crisis, and demonstrate that there’s no alternative to these kinds of cuts.”
 
E.R. Campbell said:
More on the TPP, especially on the difficulties, in this report which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/tpp-talks-are-canadas-best-ever-opportunity-for-trade-diversification/article4600407/

I hope that the Canadian negotiators are going to take a long view, which means e.g. sacrificing "supply management" because it is bad public policy and bad economics, despite being good politics one guarantor of public peace in Ottawa. (Early this year CBC journalist stenographer Janyce McGregor took dictation from the dairy industry and published "five reasons to save supply management"; the sixth reason, the one she failed to mention, but which the CBC editors posted in graphic form, is because the dairy farmers will commit acts of vandalism, even violence, including criminal assault on elected officials, as they did to Liberal Agricultural Minister Eugene Whalen in 1976.)

whelanmilk-620.jpg

Former agriculture minister Eugene Whelan is hit on the head with a milk jug during a
demonstration by dairy farmers in this 1976 photo. Whelan said in his autobiography
that the federal government's refusal to bail out Quebec dairy farmers helped elect
the Parti Québécois later that year. (Russell Mant/Canadian Press)


I don't blame the (mainly Quebec) dairy farmers for being upset. They have a "sweetheart deal" which has 'saved' hundreds and hundreds of "family farms" and, indeed, a "way of life" which will disappear when, not if, supply management disappears. But we need not fear that failing to support pay blackmail to Quebec farmers is somehow important to national unity ~ dairy supports are the least of our worries on that front.


Another of my favourite  :deadhorse: is beaten, again, in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the National Post:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2013/09/17/john-ivison-scrapping-supply-management-would-the-most-consumer-first-thing-the-tories-could-do/
national-post-logo.png

Scrapping supply management would the most ‘consumer first’ thing the Tories could do

John Ivison

17/09/13

Blessed are the cheesemakers, for they will be protected from all foreign competition.

The Conservatives are set to proclaim themselves the champions of the Canadian consumer in the forthcoming Throne Speech, taking aim at airlines, telecom companies and banks over pricing and service, as the National Post reported Monday.

Yet consumers of cheese and dairy produce are apparently exempt from this latest Conservative enthusiasm.

Sources suggest a Canada-European Union free trade deal is delayed because of the Harper government’s resistance to giving consumers the chance to buy cheap European cheese.

The EU wants a sizable increase in the amount of duty free cheese allowed into Canada — a demand that is upsetting the Quebec government and its protected, anti-competitive dairy industry.

The inexplicable attachment to supply management, the system that increases the cost of dairy, poultry and eggs for Canadian consumers, is preventing the federal government from signing a deal after most of the other controversial issues have been resolved.

The concerns are real. John Manley, president of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, wrote to the Prime Minister last week warning that the EU trade deal “may slip out of reach and, with it, Canada’s opportunity to secure preferential access to one of the world’s largest markets.”

He said that supply management inhibits innovation for producers and penalizes Canadian consumers, particularly low income families.

We don’t know the details of the new agenda to be unveiled by the Conservatives in the Throne Speech but it may include an airline bill of rights, regulation of cellphone roaming fees and a financial services code of conduct.

Whatever its contents, the devotion to supply management suggests a less than total commitment to free trade, open markets and enhanced competition — all the things over which Stephen Harper routinely hectors the rest of the G8. If the new consumers’ agenda extends only to hollow bills of rights and codes of conduct, it will consist of nothing more than the thin veneer of a rebranding exercise.

The real way to improve prices and services for consumers is to increase competition. That was certainly the conclusion of a panel, chaired by Lynton “Red” Wilson, which was charged with reviewing Canada’s foreign ownership laws. The report delivered in 2008 called for increased foreign ownership in the airline and telecoms industries that the Conservatives are now likely to highlight as being in need of reform.

It’s unlikely the government will remove restrictions to foreign ownership in the airline industry completely but it could relax investment limits or, as Australia has done, allow foreign carriers to set up a separate airline inside its borders. This liberalization resulted in more flights being on time and prices dropping dramatically.

The Conservatives did loosen the telecom ownership rules to allow foreign players to buy up companies with less than 10% market share by revenue, as recommended by the Wilson report — potentially as a first move toward broader liberalization. But the decision by Verizon to walk away from the Canadian market this summer illustrates that you can drag a multinational to market but you can’t make it sink cash.

Still, the Conservatives need to find some ideas that will inspire Canadians — popular, common sense policies that will make life easier and be talked about around the kitchen table.

The “consumers first” agenda makes sense for Mr. Harper, described by author Susan Delacourt as “Canada’s first marketing prime minister” in her new book Shopping for Votes. But there needs to be some substance mixed with the marketing-speak or the new agenda won’t win many converts — something Mr. Harper desperately needs.

Nik Nanos, one of the canniest pollsters around, notes the number of voters who say they would never vote Conservative rose from 36% to over 50%. If that number keeps rising, it will be extremely difficult for the Tories to win another majority.

Dairy produce brings its own problems. As Charles de Gaulle lamented: “How can anyone govern a country that has 246 different kinds of cheese?”

But if Mr. Harper decided to add cheese customers to his consumers’ agenda, he may have a winning proposition.

National Post


I agree fully with John Ivison. Supply management is poor public policy, it is vote buying of the worst sort. It is, by the way, a cornerstone of the EU's system.
 
Canadian Mint ready to test its own digital money project
John Greenwood | 19/09/13
http://business.financialpost.com/2013/09/19/canadian-mint-pushes-ahead-in-murky-world-of-crypto-currency-with-mintchip-project/

As the government body responsible for the production of loonies, toonies, nickles and sundry “limited-edition” collector coins, the Royal Canadian Mint is hardly the first thing that comes to mind when you think of cutting-edge technology. But that may be about to change.

Sometime before the end of this year, software engineers at the 105-year-old Crown corp. will begin pilot testing a novel form of digital currency that so far has received little attention but which has the potential to revolutionize how we do business.

“Where we’re going is not a road that has been travelled,” said Marc Brûlé, head of the MintChip project and chief financial officer of the Mint. “It has its challenges but there are lots of people who are encouraging us.”

Like many such technologies, the initiative has mostly been cloaked in secrecy — apart from an app building contest last year aimed at coming up with new ways of using the currency. Beyond that, the Mint has been determinedly tight-lipped about what it’s up to, which has only served to heighten expectations among the tight-knit community of techno-geeks and others that are focused on the sector.

Certainly, interest in so-called crypto-currencies is exploding for a variety of reasons, not least because of loss of faith in traditional money in the wake of recent central bank money-printing. Digital money such as Bitcoin, Litecoin and various online game currencies that have made the jump into the real world are starting to garner major attention, but there’s a big difference between them and what the Mint is doing. As a government organization, the Mint has the backing of the federal government, while Bitcoin and the like clearly do not.
more on link
 
Good idea.  I'm fully confident the small team of software engineers working for the Mint is collectively smarter than the tens of thousands of hackers that will spend long hours attempting to break the system.
 
Andrew Coyne takes a longer term look at the Canadian fiscal realities in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the National Post:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2013/09/27/andrew-coyne-on-canadas-new-fiscal-reality-ottawa-has-the-money-and-the-provinces-need-it-desperately/
national-post-logo2.jpg

Andrew Coyne on Canada’s new fiscal reality: Ottawa has the money and the provinces need it — desperately

Andrew Coyne

27/09/13

Wait a minute, wait a minute, wait a minute. You mean we’re supposed to like the PBO now? Time was when a report from the Parliamentary Budget Officer was the occasion for a full-on two minute hate from Tory central command: biased, off-base, can’t add, etc.

But it seems all it takes is a positive review — specifically, the PBO’s annual Fiscal Sustainability Report, rating the long-term outlook for federal finances as stable — to brighten the mood in Ottawa. “We are pleased to see that the PBO continues to believe that our government’s finances are on a fiscally sustainable path,” read the statement from the Finance Minister’s press secretary. I imagine her beaming, benevolently.

This has the added advantage, as they say, of being true. On the basis of current data, the PBO projects the federal government is “on track to achieve [its] G20 commitment to a debt-to-GDP ratio of 25 per cent by 2021.” Indeed, it suggests Ottawa could eliminate its net debt altogether by 2044. A lot could happen between now and then, of course. But the trend line is obviously good.

This despite an aging population and slowing economic growth: just 1.7% per annum, the PBO projects, over the next 75 years, versus the 2.6% it averaged over the last 30. Can it be that it was just two years ago that the PBO was warning federal finances were on an unsustainable path?

Well yes: but much has changed since then. Notably, the beginnings of some restraint in federal spending, after several years of some unrestraint. It isn’t so much the unwinding of the “stimulus” spending that is responsible for the improved outlook: that was always intended to be short-term. It’s the result, rather, of structural changes in federal spending, limiting Ottawa’s exposure over the long run on the budget items that are set to expand, inexorably, as the population ages.

Related
Ottawa’s overhaul of health-care funding has left enormous ‘fiscal gap’ for provinces, PBO warns
Tasha Kheiriddin: Harper, king of the tax credits
John Ivison: Unlike Kevin Page, the new PBO may be less interested in where the bodies are buried
Two stand out in particular: postponing the age of eligibility for Old Age Security from 65 to 67, and limiting the growth in health care transfers to the provinces to no more than the rate of growth in the economy.

Ah yes, the provinces. Unlike the Finance department, the PBO also takes into account the sustainability of provincial finances (also territorial, local and aboriginal, collectively referred to as the “other levels of government”) since, as we are sometimes gravely warned, there is only one taxpayer. And that sole, solitary taxpayer, unfortunate wretch that he is, is ultimately responsible for all of the debts our governments ring up in his name, not just some of them. “Our” government’s finances may be sustainable, if you mean “our” in the way the Finance Minister’s press secretary carefully means it. But our governments’, plural? Not so much.

The provinces, that is to say, are doomed. Currently, they spend about 18% of GDP between them every year. Of this about 14 percentage points is financed out of their own revenues; the other 4% comes out of federal transfers. Over the next several decades, provincial spending will increase to roughly 24% of GDP. That’s an increase of more than six percentage points of GDP, virtually all of it due to the growth in spending on health care. Health care is already costing the provinces half of every dollar they raise themselves. In the future it will cost them just about all of it.

Unless, of course, they raise taxes. As it happens, six percentage points is also about as much as the provinces raise every year in personal and corporate income taxes, combined. So think of it as another income tax, on top of the one you already pay. That might not go over well.

Couldn’t they just cut spending? Yes, but that won’t save them, either. Even if you strip out “excess cost growth” — growth in health care spending in excess of that explained by population aging and rising incomes — the provinces “will continue to have an unsustainable debt position.”

Is this all the feds’ fault? No. Though federal transfers for health will not grow quite as fast as the provinces spend it, they’ll still rise in line with GDP. Even if they paid the same 20% share of health care costs, 75 years hence, as they do now, that would only knock two or three percentage points of GDP off the provincial bill.

But certainly we’re looking at a significant reshaping of fiscal federalism. A generation ago, the feds spent very nearly as much as the provinces, combined; a generation from now, it will be roughly half their size. On the surface, this looks like marking a sharp decline in Ottawa’s relative strength in the federation. But looks can be deceiving.

It’s the balance between spending and revenues, not just the totals, that matters. The federal government, as the PBO numbers show, will have substantial fiscal “room,” revenues in excess of what it needs to pay its bills, while the provinces will be in substantial structural deficit. Ottawa has the money, in other words, and the provinces need it — desperately.

This puts the feds in a very strong bargaining position. Rather than simply hand over the loot, as the provinces will inevitably demand, they can use it as leverage: a transfer of x number of GST points, say, in exchange for dismantling provincial trade barriers.

Ottawa will have the fiscal clout to bring some order at last to this chaotic economic union. It should begin thinking how to use it.

Postmedia News


Healthcare, the one system we all want to keep, is not affordable in its current form.

The best solution is for the federal government to refuse to add any new money ~ the aim being to force the provinces to innovate. The only thing the feds should do for the provinces is to repeal the Canada Health Act so that its Marxist provisions will not constrain the provinces.

The only model for health care which does not bear any examination is that of the USA ~ it is worse than ours: higher costs and worse outcomes.

It is fairly well known that I have scant regard for the French government and its policies, but French health care is good: low cost and good outcomes. Singapore's new system is, as far as I can see, the best model for us.
 
Here is more, on the same theme, but focused on the national Capital Region, in an article which is reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Ottawa Citizen:

http://www.ottawacitizen.com/business/Goodbye+City/8969649/story.html
ottawa_citizen_logo.jpg

Goodbye, Fat City
The global debt crisis has us in its grip — and won’t soon let go

BY JAMES BAGNALL, OTTAWA CITIZEN

SEPTEMBER 27, 2013

Finance Minister Jim Flaherty made it seem so straightforward 18 months ago when he tabled his eighth budget. To help trim federal spending, he said the Conservatives would eliminate 19,200 federal government jobs across the country by 2015 — about five per cent of the total workforce.

Flaherty’s colleague, Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird, suggested the impact on the National Capital Region would be relatively gentle. Just 7,700 federal positions would be cut here, including 4,800 layoffs, he asserted in the wake of the budget — roughly in line with the region’s 40 per cent share of the government’s workforce.

Turns out he was the supreme optimist. The most recent data from Statistics Canada reveal that Ottawa-Gatineau has suffered a loss of nearly 17,000 federal government jobs since Flaherty’s 2012 budget — representing 86 per cent of the government’s downsizing.

Not only does that far exceed original Conservative estimates, the drop is just short — by a few hundred — of what the National Capital Region experienced after former Liberal finance minister Paul Martin’s “hell or high water” budget in 1995.

In relative terms, Martin’s cuts were more dramatic — a 19-per-cent slide in government employment locally compared to an 11-per-cent drop so far since Flaherty’s 2012 budget.

But the Conservatives aren’t done yet. While the initial rush of layoff notices to civil servants has slowed, the government is continuing with efforts to streamline operations — notably in the area of information technology.

This is expected not only to eliminate more federal government jobs but also to reduce the need to buy IT services from the private sector.

Indeed, it’s little wonder that the Conference Board of Canada on Friday ranked the National Capital Region 12th in growth prospects this year — ahead of only Victoria among Canada’s 13 largest cities. The Ottawa-based think tank also predicted the National Capital Region’s economy would be the most anemic within this group — though tied with Quebec City — during next four years. The Conference Board predicted Ottawa-Gatineau’s $63-billion annual economy would improve no more than 0.8 per cent this year after inflation — and that was revised downward from its 1.3 per cent projection published in the spring. Ottawa-Gatineau’s gross domestic product is expected to improve just 2.1 per cent annually until 2017.

The National Capital Region is proving uniquely vulnerable in the aftermath of the very unusual 2008-09 economic recession.

0928econ01_web.jpg


0928econ02_web.jpg


Unlike most downturns — which are triggered by escalating interest rates — the latest one erupted from a crisis in the global banking sector, brought on by a collapse in housing.

The U.S., the U.K. and other developed nations shovelled hundreds of billions of dollars into shoring up their financial institutions.

Then, to preserve confidence in their economies, they allowed government spending deficits to balloon, adding trillions of dollars to the national debt. Governments are now faced with working this down.

Although the Harper government never had to support the country’s well-run banks, it did run up more than $150 billion in new debt to help offset the collapse in private-sector spending.

In the past three years, Flaherty has moved with relative pace to plug the leakage.

After swelling to $55 billion in fiscal 2010 (ended March 31), the budget gap is expected to tumble this year below $19 million — about 1 per cent of Canada’s GDP. RBC Capital Markets of Toronto predicts the government will generate surpluses again in another two years.

The effort to eliminate the deficit has naturally squeezed federal departments and agencies. But with the federal budget balance approaching break even, attention is turning to the provinces — which control funding for schools and hospitals. The latter employed 139,000 last month in Ottawa-Gatineau, about 20 per cent of the region’s workforce. That’s roughly the same proportion as the federal government, though some workers in health and education are employed by private firms.

Ontario and Quebec are carrying the heaviest debt burden among the provinces — both absolutely and in relative terms. Quebec’s net debt is nearly 50 per cent of GDP while Ontario’s is approaching 40 per cent, according to RBC. However, Quebec at least appears to be getting a handle on its current spending, with a break even result expected this year. Ontario, in sharp contrast, is expected to rack up an $11.7-billion deficit over the same period, with no surplus in sight until at least 2018.

It’s not clear that provincial spending reductions, when they come, would bite into employment rolls at schools and hospitals. If they do, it would not likely be to the same extent as federal downsizing hurt the public service. Nevertheless, with four workers in 10 in the Ottawa area depending directly on government paycheques, the region is unlikely soon to return to its former status as Fat City.

Consider the contrast with Edmonton: Though it is a provincial capital, just 22 per cent of its workforce is concentrated in government, education and health. The city obviously has the considerable advantage — and risks — of an oil economy. Indeed, earlier this spring, Edmonton pulled ahead of Ottawa-Gatineau for the first time in jobs, if not in population. Calgary first overtook the region in 2002, during the depths of the tech crash that hurt so many Ottawa firms. But as recently as three years ago, Calgary’s employment base was still barely 1 per cent bigger than ours. Now the gap is 11 per cent in Calgary’s favour.

Ottawa-Gatineau has slid from fourth-largest job market in the country to sixth.

In the immediate wake of the 2008-09 economic recession the federal government continued adding staff while Alberta’s energy industry retrenched. In some respects, the recent and rapid retrenchment in the region is just the unwinding of an artificial boost in government hiring. Both nationally and locally, federal government employment levels are back to where they were in the fall of 2008, just prior to the recession. The portion of federal civil servants that worked in the Ottawa area last month was about 37 per cent of the total, down several percentage points from when Flaherty got serious about trimming jobs. Nevertheless, that’s still far above the concentration experienced in the mid-1990s, when just 30 per cent of the federal government’s workforce was employed in Ottawa-Gatineau.

Given the knock-on effects of a shrinking public service on housing, retailing and other sectors, the surprise is that the Conference Board of Canada expects Ottawa-Gatineau to grow at all. The board points out that several major construction projects — from light-rail transit to the Lansdowne Park redevelopment — are helping to offset a decline in new housing starts. The research group also expects retail sales to improve 3.4 per cent next year to $18.1 billion.

This may be optimistic, depending on the spending patterns of current and former government employees. There’s little question that Ottawa-Gatineau’s retailers have been hit hard. Second only to manufacturers, they have lost the most jobs in percentage terms since before the economic recession. Part of retailers’ pain has been caused by the methods used to trim government workers — an exercise that involves multiple stages of swapping positions and competing for surplus jobs, spread over many months.

The number of federal workers warned about the possibility of losing their jobs far exceeded the actual job reductions. The result, not surprisingly, was a reluctance to spend money in local shops. Nevertheless, the worst of the downsizing is likely over, which should eventually reduce the overhang.

A second reason for caution about the strength of retailing has to do with the aging of the public service — although government workers enjoy indexed pensions, people at or near retirement tend not to be big spenders. They are too busy saving. And the younger government employees are faced with escalating contribution requirements as their employer shifts more of the responsibility for funding pensions to workers. By 2015, many employees will be contributing 7.05 per cent of the first $51,100 of their annual salary towards pensions, compared to 6.3 per cent today and less than 5 per cent in 2008.

There’s room for some optimism in the National Capital Region which continues to rank among the country’s most livable and affordable urban areas. Among other things, it is benefiting from a rural to urban shift, though to a lesser extent than is the case with the country’s other large cities. Since the beginning of the recession Canada’s 33 largest urban areas have added 730,000 employees while the rest of the country has lost 427,000. Ottawa-Gatineau’s contribution to the plus side was a modest 7,800, but positive nevertheless.

Unfortunately, the size of our workforce, which includes people looking for jobs, grew even faster which is why our jobless rate is up. The same pattern was true of Canada’s other big cities but it was more pronounced in Ottawa-Gatineau. The region’s unemployment rate last month touched 6.9 per cent (when adjusted for seasonal influences). Not only is that sharply higher than the 5.1 per cent rate posted five years earlier, it came close to matching the national jobless rate for the first time since the tech recession nearly a decade ago.

This is why the region requires some economic catalysts, especially from high-tech. Despite the industry’s recent troubles — and the likely impact of more BlackBerry layoffs — it still accounts for 7 per cent of the region’s workforce, about the same ratio as during the mid-1990s. There is a base of talent here capable of considerable growth under the right circumstances. Whether this will happen is simply unknowable. But whatever success tech firms enjoy, the vast bulk of their revenues will be generated through sales from outside the region, primarily exports. This is wealth that flows directly back to the region — in much the same manner that oil exports wash through Edmonton and Calgary.

The city — indeed the country — remains vulnerable to any reversal in economic growth globally. Bank of Canada governor Stephen Poloz noted recently that the recession “delivered a direct, sharp blow to Canadian business” — especially in the export sector, the only component of the country’s gross domestic product that remains below where it was when the recession started in 2008. Poloz added that “it was a good thing households had the capacity to expand their spending” to make up for the collapse in business investment and exports. His point was that because Canadians had earlier been prudent, they had room in their budgets to accommodate extra borrowing — and that this saved the economy. The downside, of course, is that Canadians are carrying near-record high debt as a percentage of income. This ratio peaked at 25 per cent of income in 2009 according to TD Economics, and has since receded to just below 24 per cent.

“Canadian households remain highly leveraged,” wrote TD economist Leslie Preston, “and it will take quite some time for measures of leverage to return to historical norms.”

The amount of debt on Canadians’ personal books isn’t necessarily a problem if interest rates increase gradually and the global economic recovery continues, especially in the U.S. A survey of economists by the Economist Magazine suggests U.S. GDP this year will grow 1.6 per cent, about the same as Canada, and accelerate to 2.7 per cent next year (versus 2.3 per cent for Canada).

As for how quickly, or even if, interest rates rise, so much depends on the ability of central banks to unwind trillions of dollars in risky financial debt accumulated since the beginning of the recession. Some financial analysts, such as Harry Dent, author of The Great Crash Ahead, are convinced that the bursting of the debt bubble will produce an era of deflation and another stock market crash. Eric Sprott — the principal of Sprott Asset Management — has an equally dim view of central bankers’ strategies but believes the end result will be debilitating inflation, with only precious metals such as gold and silver holding their value. Assuming the central bankers do get it right — that is, they preside over a gradual reduction of debt and an increase in economic growth, the consensus is that we’ll get through this, albeit slowly.

There is, in fact, no precedent for what we’re about to witness. In this environment, a city economy such as Ottawa-Gatineau is not a bad place to be. Nor is it a bad thing to lose our status as Fat City — there’s enough resentment of Ottawa in the rest of the country as it is. Canada’s headquarters for administration shouldn’t rub it in.

jbagnall@ottawacitizen.com

© Copyright (c) The Ottawa Citizen


I do not share James Bagnall's pessimism. I think that major cuts in public service employment actually serve the NCR by giving it a large, available pool of well educated workers who will make it attractive for new private businesses to settle here, in Ottawa.

Like the military, and for the same reasons, the public service is not just unproductive, it is, in too many cases, counter-productive.


 
To continue my periodic diatribes about shrinking government .... I had to put this somewhere:

1379428_10153336059850515_1673050206_n.jpg

Source: Liberty Maniacs.

Apologies to all you government workers out there.  :salute:
 
The idea that governments can remove protections and confiscate private wealth is bad enough; the idea that the Government of Canada is preparing legislation to this effect should be intolerable to all upright citizens:

http://www.financialsense.com/contributors/daniel-amerman/bail-ins-taking-private-wealth

Bail Ins and Taking Private Wealth

A new method of taking private sector wealth has been spreading around the world this year. This mechanism is called a "bail in", and it is based on the premise that there are certain entities which are too important for the well-being of the general public to allow them to go into bankruptcy or to be liquidated.

The new "twist" is that the entity – which could be a major bank, or it could be the public retirement system for an entire country – is not bailed out through using outside funds from the general public, even though the protection of the general public is the reason for the intervention. Instead, funds are taken from the inside, on an involuntary basis, from selected classes of private sector investors who are judged as having the ability to pay, and the costs of maintaining the viability of this entity for the "greater good" are thereby concentrated in a small part of the private sector.

[Hear More: Nicole Foss on the Emerging Trends Around the Globe]

This has been seen in Cyprus with the "rescue" of their banking system.  It has also been seen in Poland with the taking of assets from the private retirement system for the benefit of the government and the troubled public retirement system.  Bail ins have now also been proposed in Canada when it comes to the preservation of "systemically important" banking institutions.

What it all comes down to is governments and international organizations changing the law, leaving investors without the protections which they thought they had. And this is important not only for banking depositors and investors, but also for anyone who is depending on private sources of wealth for their own retirement or long-term financial security. In this article, we will explore the different ways in which "bail ins" have worked or been proposed in these three real world instances.

What Is A "Bail In"?

The term "bail in" describes a quite different way of preserving troubled entities and keeping them from insolvency or bankruptcy. A bail in is best understood by contrasting it to the more traditional "bail out", and it is important to keep in mind that the two can be used together. That is, the rescue of the Cypriot banking system was a combined bail in of depositors, and a bail out by the European Union and International Monetary Fund.

To begin with, there is an entity – again it could be a major bank or banking system, or a government or government retirement fund – that has more claims against it than it has assets available to pay the claims. This deficiency of assets compared to claims is, of course, the traditional source of bankruptcy or insolvency, whether we're talking about individuals, corporations, or in some cases entire nations.

However, the trend since 2008 has been to not allow bankruptcy when an entity is judged as being too important for the good of the public to let it fail (or at least that is the rationale claimed). And a method has been found to close this gap between claims and assets without going through insolvency or formal bankruptcy proceedings.

A "bail out" rescues an entity by bringing in outside cash and assets, and raising the level of assets until there are enough available to meet the claims and solvency is thereby achieved. The graph below illustrates how this works.



Examples of bail outs occurring on an overt basis include the TARP program in the United States, as well as the government takeovers of AIG, most of the auto industry, and Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

A "bail in" approaches this fundamental mismatch between assets and claims from the opposite direction. In a bail in, as illustrated in the graph below, the entity does not go to the outside for new funds. Rather, the gap is closed by reducing the amount of claims outstanding against the entity, until assets match claims and solvency is achieved.



What matters here is that depositors and investors may have legal claims against a bank, for instance, which the bank should not be able to set aside outside of bankruptcy, which itself brings into play its own investor protections. In a "bail in", the government uses its power over the law to take wealth from these investors, set aside their claims, and thereby either avoid the use of public funds for a bail out altogether, or reduce the amount of that bail out.

Cyprus Bail In

The rescue of the major Cypriot banks was a combination of a bail in and a bail out. The bail in component involved depositors with over €100,000 at the major banks being subject to a 60% "haircut".

Of their deposits exceeding 100,000 euros, 37.5% were involuntarily converted into equity shares in an essentially bankrupt banking corporation. Another 22.5% of those deposits over €100,000 were segregated for possible conversion into equity as well, if the deeply troubled bank were to continue to remain troubled and need to further reduce the claims outstanding against it. And by "claims outstanding", this of course comes down to depositors wanting to get their money back.

As illustrated in the graph below, what the bail in served to do was to reduce the size of the bail out by the European Union and International Monetary Fund. Claims were brought down, even as assets were brought in, and (hopeful) solvency was reached somewhere in the middle. So a taking from private investors was combined with a rescue by international organizations.



Now most depositors, including the great majority of Cypriot citizens, got all their deposits back. The way this was accomplished was by targeting only the wealthiest depositors, those with the largest deposits, and taking up to 60% of their money above the minimum amount that was protected.

Now, because Cyprus served as a financial haven for Europe, and most particularly for wealthy Russian investors who were seeking an offshore haven for their cash, what the bail in boiled down to in practice was that most of the domestic population – the voters – didn't take any hit at all, while the wealthy foreigners were stuck with the bill.

Proposed Canadian Bail In Rules

While no Canadian bail ins have yet occurred, the government is proposing implementing new rules, as covered on page 145 of the linked document (the PDF page number is 155), which allow for a "very rapid conversion of certain bank liabilities into regulatory capital" for "systemically important banks".

http://www.budget.gc.ca/2013/doc/plan/budget2013-eng.pdf

Of very significant note is that "certain bank liabilities" is not defined. But the structure is set up in advance, and it allows a Cypriot-type solution in the event of (which the government deems "very unlikely") a situation where the largest banks in Canada need to be rescued. And this would at least partially be accomplished through involuntarily taking claims held (their deposits and investments, in other words) from some parties, but not from others.

And again, while we can't say for sure in advance, the chances are that the money will be taken from the largest depositors, while the average depositor/voter might suffer no losses at all. In other words, there is a redistribution of wealth from "those who can afford it" (or so it will be presented), for the good of all.

The Polish Bail In

The Polish bail in of September 4th, 2013, was quite different from the Cypriot bail in or the new Canadian rules allowing for bail ins. This was not a bail in of a troubled banking system, but rather the entities in trouble were the Polish public retirement system and the Polish government itself.

The second half of the article is linked below.

Although the Conservative Government has been relatively prudent and handled the financial crisis reasonably well, the fact that the unfunded liabilities of government pensions is in the neighbourhood of $500 billion CAD (separate from the national debt of $550 billion CAD) should give everyone pause. After all, if civil servants don't have their pensions funded, what is to stop a future government of the day from confiscating your RRSP in order to pay off the pensioners? Or how about seizing wealth to bail out irresponsible governments like the McGuinty/Wynne government of Ontario?
 
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