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US Economy

AIG is a loan.Freddie and Fannie were quasi government agencies they definitely need to be reformed. The best thing we can do is government regulation out of the markets. Congress caused the mess in the mortgage market by insisting on lending to people who couldnt afford a house. They were lending to people who were just out of BK for gods sake.
 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail, is one opinion, from a journalist/business writer, on how we (the US, especially) ended up here:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080919.whouses0920/BNStory/International/home
Bringing down the houses that built America's economy
How convoluted financial products and misguided government policy crippled the Big Five investment banks

SINCLAIR STEWART

From Saturday's Globe and Mail
September 20, 2008 at 1:09 AM EDT

On the eve of the Second World War, as the Great Depression lingered and Americans nurtured their deep-seated grievances with the country's financial elite, Charles Merrill had an unlikely idea: He wanted to bring Wall Street to Main Street, a democratizing push aimed at erasing the public's misgivings and encouraging mass participation in the markets.

“America's industrial machine is owned at the grass roots, where it should be,” Mr. Merrill pronounced. “Not in some mythical Wall Street.”

Now, 70 years after Good Time Charlie revolutionized the face of American capitalism by bringing stocks to the masses, his populist vision lies in tatters, alongside the carcass of the eponymous firm, Merrill Lynch & Co., that he transformed into the world's most powerful brokerage.

One of the most devastating crises in U.S. history is laying waste to the pillars of Wall Street with a swiftness that has tested the limits of incredulity, if not dire superlative: Lehman Brothers, a 158-year-old firm that weathered the Civil War and the Panic of 1907, among other calamities, has crumbled in an inglorious heap. Ditto Bear Stearns, which famously sailed through the Crash of 1929 without firing a single employee. There is now persistent talk that Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley, those twin fortresses of impregnability, may have to abandon their independence if they are not spared first by an unprecedented government bailout effort.


And, of course, there is Mr. Merrill's firm, the “thundering herd,” which was tamed this week in a humbling sale to Bank of America, forestalling an almost certain collapse.

The collective failure here has been monumental, not just in monetary terms – half a trillion dollars has vaporized since the mortgage-fuelled meltdown erupted last year, and we're still counting – but in symbolic ones as well.

These were among the founding fathers of the “financial system” as we know it, a group that underwrote governments, financed the creation of the country's blue-chip companies and helped power the notion that the 20th century was America's century.

And yet, to varying degrees, each proved inept at the very task that has been central to their business model, if not their longevity, over the past century: managing risk.

Now, amid a massive restructuring of the financial landscape, there may also be a re-evaluation of Mr. Merrill's gospel: Main Street has been left to wonder whether an anchor was not at the other end of the ties that bound it to Wall Street.

“Merrill Lynch helped create a culture in the last half of the century that really flourished – that Wall Street is a place for us, too,” said Steve Fraser, an economic historian and author of Wall Street: America's Dream Palace. “To see them go down is a shocking loss of the sense that Wall Street is a common place where we can all find our fortune.”

The obvious question is how did this happen? How could these venerable brokerages miscalculate so badly, threatening not merely their own financial health, but that of the entire economy as well?

The tempting answer is greed. Wall Street has long been viewed as a haven for coddled fat cats, but in recent years, compensation levels have reached obscene levels. These flawed bonus models rewarded bankers for pumping out increasingly toxic and esoteric products, with little regard for the havoc they would wreak.

But that is only part of the story, and it neglects the role of government policy, much of it misguided in hindsight, that abetted Wall Street's reckless binge.

During the Reagan era, and the ascendancy of the laissez-faire economic theories laid down by Milton Friedman, the banking industry lobby found a sympathetic ear in Washington. U.S. lawmakers began to loosen market regulation, believing the system would function more effectively by removing as many hindrances as possible to the flow of capital.

For decades, the Big Five investment banks had earned their money by supporting the war effort, selling bonds and stocks, and underwriting public offerings. In fact, that's all they could do, thanks to the Glass Steagall Act of 1933, a law designed to stem the wild speculation that helped fuel the market crash of 1929 by ensuring that banks could not make risky gambles with customers' deposits.

Universal banks such as J. P. Morgan were forced to split into separate companies: the commercial bank, J. P. Morgan, would offer loans and take deposits; the investment bank, the newly minted Morgan Stanley, would provide advisory services and sell stocks and bonds.

Yet in the 1990s, with the derivatives market in full swing, investment banks began straying from their roots. They became more reliant on aggressive trading strategies, often with borrowed money, and devised complex products, such as securitized mortgages, that were essentially loans.

By 1999, when President Bill Clinton scrapped Glass Steagall, it was merely a reflection that the lines separating these two divisions of the banking world were already beginning to blur.

All of this helped set the stage for the current financial crisis, which, like most others, can trace its roots to the credit markets.

In 2001, under former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan – also a monetarist in the Friedman mould – the central bank began cutting interest rates to precipitously low levels. This incited a tidal wave of new home-buying – and a monstrous credit bubble.

For investment banks, the temptation to cash in on the borrowing craze proved irresistible. Because of the cheap credit, they could borrow huge sums of money to buy mortgages of varying quality, repackage them as mind-bogglingly complex securities, and then sell them to investors who wanted a safe product with better returns than government bonds.

So great was the demand for these securities that banks began scraping the bottom of the credit barrel, and extending mortgages to many people who couldn't afford them.

This was a fantastically enriching business for a time – profit for the Big Five tripled to more than $30-billion between 2002 and 2006 – but only as long as the housing market didn't crater. Oddly, for all its vaunted risk systems, Wall Street never seemed to view this as a possibility.

“I don't think anyone realized how much their survival could be put at risk,” said Aswath Damodaran, a professor of finance at New York University. “You can't just let people run off as Lone Rangers.”

Of course, there was a reason investment banks didn't historically play in this arena – they weren't really equipped to do so. Unlike more tightly regulated commercial banks, which can tap their deposits as an inexpensive source of financing, firms such as Merrill and Lehman have no such cushion. They depend upon regular, short-term loans from other institutions, which they secure by using their assets as collateral.

In the days of Charlie Merrill, these assets would likely have consisted of highly liquid securities such as treasury bills, which could be sold immediately if there was a funding panic. But not this time around.

When home prices began to tumble last summer, the investment banks were left clutching sketchy mortgage assets that no one wanted to buy. As the value of these assets plummeted, causing hundreds of billions of dollars in writedowns, so too did the amount of money investment banks could borrow. In some cases, as with Bear and Lehman, the credit dried up completely, leaving them without enough cash to remain in business.

Such is the level of carnage that many observers are sounding the death knell for the investment banking model as we know it; the capital crunch is so severe, they say, that even Goldman and Morgan will eventually have to merge with a commercial bank. Indeed, the one reason why universal banks such as Citigroup, which boast investment-banking and commercial divisions, survived the mortgage crisis is because of their broad deposit bases.

Both Goldman and Morgan were hammered in the market over the past week, but rebounded sharply yesterday amid the government's plans to stage a record bailout.

Never mind that both of these firms insist their capital position is sufficient: Confidence is what lubricates the markets, and when it disappears, the gears seize and money stops flowing.

One hundred and one years ago, almost to the month, Wall Street was besieged by a similar crisis: the Panic of 1907.

When nervous depositors began pulling their money out of trust companies, inciting mayhem in the markets, J. P. Morgan rallied a group of bankers to raise $25-million in a mere 12 minutes, ending a run on the banks that may have resulted in the failure of 50 institutions.

Mr. Morgan's rescue effort prompted the U.S. government to create the Federal Reserve, a backstop that could be counted on to help contain future crises. But the problems facing today's Fed are much more vexing than the ones Mr. Morgan and his peers confronted a century ago.

The financial products involved in the current mortgage crisis are so convoluted that many of the firms that peddled them didn't quite grasp their intricacies. The interconnectedness of global markets, meanwhile, presents another quandary – each time one major firm fails, it is as though a linchpin is being removed, threatening to unleash a cascade of peril throughout the system.

Right now, the most pressing priority for the Fed and the Treasury Department is building a levee around Wall Street, before its tide of problems overwhelms the greater economy.

Already, as banks move to conserve their capital, corporations and consumers are finding it difficult to access credit – a problem that, if it deepens, could be catastrophic since U.S. growth has always been fuelled by easy access to debt.

But that is merely a palliative action. The next step, once the markets stabilize, will undoubtedly be remedial. “The days of Wild West risk-taking and throwing caution to the wind are gone,” said Michael Holland, a veteran of Wall Street who heads his own money-management firm, Holland & Co. “Every one of these crises is different in specifics, but consistent in its outcome: The regulatory landscape shifts, and it will this time as well.”

Industry officials say they expect a new frontier of regulation, one that will crack down on financial alchemy, stiffen capital requirements, scrutinize hedge funds and overhaul the flawed credit-rating industry, among other things.

If Washington goes that far, it will amount to a rebuke of a government policy that in recent decades has been rooted in market fundamentalism – the secular faith that unfettered markets, left to their own devices, will offer the quickest path to prosperity.

A Merrill associate, describing the differences between Charlie Merrill and his partner, Edmund Lynch, once famously remarked that “Merrill could imagine the possibilities; Lynch imagined what might go wrong in a malevolent world.”

Wall Street, as it turns out, had plenty of Merrills in the past decade. In the future, it could do with a few more Lynchs.

A few comments:

• Not everyone agrees that the repeal of Glass-Steagall or the ascendancy of Milton Friedman are the ‘root causes’ of the current crisis; 

• The political ‘left’ in America was fascinated with Reaganomics – especially the idea of trickle down economics that says “a rising tide lifts all boats” (an aphorism that is most often credited to John F Kennedy). There is little doubt that many of Reagan’s reforms, especially the precipitous decline in the growth of new regulations, made life and investing safer for risk takers – who got rich or richer because they had some resources to put at risk in the first place and whose wealth did “trickle down.” But trickle was the right word: not too much wealth went down to the bottom and it went there slowly. This explains, in part, why Democrats led the charge to make cheap mortgage money easily available to more and more people. Home (property) ownership is, rightfully, seen as the keystone to prosperity. (Parenthetically, given that this idea is well known and supported in the ‘left,’ ‘centre’ and ‘right’ sectors of the political spectrum one wonders why so many politicians are so opposed to property rights.)

• A “bubble” was inevitable as soon as greed (for more bank profits) was married to greed (for individual prosperity). Too much ‘cheap’ money was loaned to too many people who were very, very poor – indeed quite unacceptable – risks. The ‘housing bubble’ will last for a long time – many years. The housing sector is one of the keystones of America’s prosperity because, as mentioned above, a house is for many, probably most ordinary, middle class Americans (and Canadians, too) the foundation of their ‘property’ and ‘property’ is the key to enduring, low risk wealth. Additionally, the housing sector is a HUGE employer – generating millions of the well paid, low skill jobs that keep the lower middle class “upwardly mobile.” New home construction has fallen to levels not seen in decades; that means that more and more people cannot find half decently paid jobs that they, with their limited education and skill sets, can do.

• Stewarts’s final line about Wall Street, and the world, needing fewer Merrills and more Lynch’s is very cautious, very prudent – very Scots!

In the 19th century, small, timorous, laggard Canada was built by Scots; big, risk-taking, aggressive, creative America was built by Englishmen and Germans. Does culture matter?  >:D


 
The fallout and forthcoming recession in the US is going to hit Canada obliquely, but it will hit us as the truth hits home in the US

They will be a decade climbing back out of this, but at this date, I would venture that those making the big decisions on the bailout have no clue to what extent, and how deep it is going to cut...
 
GAP said:
The fallout and forthcoming recession in the US is going to hit Canada obliquely, but it will hit us as the truth hits home in the US

They will be a decade climbing back out of this, but at this date, I would venture that those making the big decisions on the bailout have no clue to what extent, and how deep it is going to cut...


I agree, and so does Martin Feldstein, in his Q&A session reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail.

These are, probably, very much the same the questions you, Army.ca members, want to ask. You may not find too much comfort in the answers.

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/LAC.20080920.GRANO20/TPStory/?query=martin+feldstein
Market may swing but guru still sees gloom ahead

MARGARET WENTE

September 20, 2008

The turmoil on Wall Street has spread fear and desperation throughout the global financial system.

The crisis that began 13 months ago has entered a new and far more serious phase, as hopes that the damage could be contained have evaporated.

The past two weeks have seen the government bailout of private-public mortgage holders Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac; the failure of Lehman Brothers.; and a virtual government takeover of American International Group (AIG), the world's largest insurance company.

Finally, on Thursday and Friday, came a broad U.S. rescue plan to buy up bad assets and regulate other trade.

Martin Feldstein, one of the world's leading economists, was an adviser to U.S. president Ronald Reagan in the early 1980s. He is now a Harvard professor and an economic adviser to Republican presidential candidate John McCain.

In 2005, he was a leading candidate to succeed Alan Greenspan as the chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve, although the position ultimately went to Ben Bernanke.

Mr. Feldstein, who will appear at the exclusive Grano Speakers Series in Toronto on Wednesday, spoke to me last week about the state of the U.S. economy. He couldn't discuss the AIG takeover because he is on the company's board, although according to The Wall Street Journal, he believes it is not the government's role to buy private companies.

We spoke again late this week to catch up with events.


What's the scope of this financial crisis?

It's very big and very deep.

Are the U.S. Federal Reserve and the U.S. government on the right track?

In a certain sense, they are doing the right thing. They are providing liquidity to the system. But the specific ways in which they are handling these transactions raise some serious questions.

Have they really got control of this? It seems as if they're in reactive mode.

[They are] simply reacting to the financial crises that are brought to them.
They are an emergency room, not a preventive medicine department.

Is it the end of Wall Street as we know it?

Certainly the world of investment banking has been dramatically changed. With Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns gone and Merrill Lynch acquired, there's very little left.

Are there more shoes to drop?

There certainly could be. The more general problem of the commercial banks and the credit markets has not been solved. Certainly dozens of small and medium-sized banks will fail. And the sharp decline in house prices has not been significantly affected.

How long might that take?

We don't know. The sad fact is that in order for this credit crisis to come to an end, house prices have to stop falling. The financial institutions that hold mortgages - or that hold these more complicated derivatives based on mortgages - will not know how much they're worth as long as house prices are still falling and the rate of foreclosures is rising.

Mortgage contracts are very different in the U.S. than they are in most other countries. As a general rule, they are so-called non-recourse loans, which means that if an individual stops making payments, the creditor can take the house - but if selling the house doesn't provide enough money to pay off the mortgage, the creditor cannot go after other assets or the income of that individual.

That's very different from Canada or virtually any other part of the world. It gives homeowners who have negative equity [i.e., mortgage debt bigger than the value of their house] an incentive to default because they'll lose less. They'll be able to walk away, rent and wait for prices to come down, and they will have escaped the full cost of the mortgage. Until that process stops, the crisis will not end.

So how bad could it get?

Right now, our best guess is that about 20 per cent of homeowners with mortgages have negative equity. That could easily rise over the next year or so to 40 per cent. More foreclosures mean that more houses are put in the market, and that depresses prices, and that means there's more incentive for more people to walk away. It's a vicious circle.

We don't have those mortgage problems here. Why should we be worried?

Because of trade between Canada and the U.S. Even if Canadian banks don't hold paper, the decline in consumer wealth, and in credit, and the slowdown of the U.S. economy means that we will import less from Canada.

A lot of people used to think that former Fed chairman Alan Greenspan could do no wrong. You disagree. Why?

The problem was that in the early part of the decade he brought interest rates very low - about 1 per cent - and promised to keep them very low. They did it because they were worried about deflation. What they didn't take into account was that this could contribute to the kind of house-price bubble we have seen.

I think he should have foreseen that possibility - although I can't say the rest of us did either. Back in 2002, the impact on house prices was not at all apparent. But as they began to rise very sharply, he didn't do anything about it.

Was the takeover of Fannie and Freddie inevitable?

Yes. It's amazing that the U.S. Congress and the administration allowed Fannie and Freddie to go on expanding their capital as they did.

So, where were the regulators for all those years?

The supervisors should have been looking at the capital and the asset quality of the banks. They figured these banks had enough capital - and we don't count the so-called SIV [structured investment vehicles], which are off-balance-sheet items. They were authorized to take that view by the Basel rules. The international banking community and other wise men got that wrong. They were judging the asset quality by what the rating agencies were saying. They thought, "Well, these are Triple-A bonds, so we don't have to worry about them."

It seems that there's been quite a lot of financial recklessness around. We also have George W. Bush to thank for pointing the U.S. toward a trillion-dollar deficit.

The most recent number is $400-billion, and that's enough. That will be significantly increased by the slowdown in the economy, which will bring a slowdown in tax receipts. We're looking at a federal deficit of 3 per cent of GDP.

But the real problem is that social security and medicare costs are going to explode in the next decade. So far, the political process has not been willing to deal with that.

Why haven't America's political leaders come clean with the public about the looming entitlements crisis?

Both [Bill] Clinton and Bush kept telling the public: Bush proposed a solution in the form of a mixed system of social security that keeps the automatic payment but adds a universal-investment component. But the Democrats wouldn't even sit down and negotiate. It looks as if we are going to get closer to the crisis point before the political process can act.

You're an economic adviser to John McCain. What are you telling him is the single biggest economic challenge facing the U.S. today?

I haven't put it to him in those terms, although we've talked about all these issues. Personally, I think the housing issue is the most important short-run problem. We've also talked about the size of the federal deficit and the trade deficit. All those issues are important.

John McCain has admitted that the economy is not his strong suit. Critics say his economic strategy looks a lot like Bush's. Why should we think he's the best guy to steer the U.S. out of this mess?

He has emphasized the problem of excess spending. He's talked about it throughout his career in the Senate and he's been willing to vote against popular spending programs. He went to Iowa and told folks there he's against the ethanol subsidy. He is willing to square with people - that popular programs have to be cut back. He's also said that social security can't continue in its current form. And he wants to negotiate changes in a bipartisan way.

How about Barack Obama's economic platform?

That's a tough one. It keeps changing, so it's hard to summarize. If you'd asked me two months ago, I would have said he's a man who's committed to very high tax rates in order to finance spending programs and tax cuts for some targeted groups. Then he decided that wasn't such a good idea. ... He's trying to pull in middle-class voters [by] saying that only a few rich people will pay higher taxes and 95 per cent of us will get tax cuts.

But he will discover if he becomes president that the math doesn't work. You can't get all this money just by pushing up the tax rates on high-income people.

No matter who's elected, you think the dollar will inevitably keep on falling. Why?

Because of the very large trade deficit. The dollar coming down over the last several years has made us more competitive internationally. It's given a tremendous boost to our exports, and it's our exports that are keeping the economy as a whole in "plus" territory.

Are you worried the world might stop buying U.S. debt?

The opposite seems to be happening, at least at this point. People who are nervous realize that you can't do better than U.S. government bonds.

Is the U.S. facing a longer and deeper-than-normal recession?

It's been a very peculiar decline since the beginning of the year. Employment has been falling, industrial productivity is down, construction is down terribly, incomes are down, retail sales are down. So if you didn't look at GDP, which is heavily influenced by the export numbers, you'd say this economy is in recession. The Fed has not been able to turn it around as in previous recessions.

The last two recessions were short - eight months from peak to trough. This time is different because the origin is different. First, there's the collapse of the house-price bubble. Second is the general mispricing of risk in financial securities. So we have a financial and a housing crisis at the same time. That's just totally different from before.

I'll be very surprised if in the end we don't have a formal declaration of a recession.

Could it be more prolonged and more serious than usual?

Absolutely.

In August, you said you were "much more pessimistic" than you were a year ago about the outlook. So how do you feel now?

It's gotten worse.

Thank you, Mr. Feldstein. I think I will go hide under my bed now.

Margaret Wente is a columnist for The Globe and Mail.


Remember, this is John McCain’s economic guru; what he thinks is, pretty much, what McCain thinks, too.

I agree with him re: Obama’s math. Taxing the ‘rich’ will not provide enough money. The money has to come from somewhere, everywhere, in fact. The best source is a growing economy but Feldstein says that will take time – a long time.



 
I have been lightly following McCain's campaign....what he is saying, if it is based on this guy's input, he's not being coherent.

I don't get any of this out of McCain's speeches, so either he or his speech writers need to get their act together....
 
The bailout has an upfront cost to the taxpayer,but in the end may not cost the treasury very much at all. AIG is a loan and is a profitable company that ran into a cash crisis. They are very likely to repay the loan with interest. The Treasury has made a smart decision to simply take all the mortgage paper off the books of all the banks/brokerages. One has to remember that behind every mortgage is a property so its not like they are unsecured loans.
 
tomahawk6 said:
The bailout has an upfront cost to the taxpayer,but in the end may not cost the treasury very much at all. AIG is a loan and is a profitable company that ran into a cash crisis. They are very likely to repay the loan with interest. The Treasury has made a smart decision to simply take all the mortgage paper off the books of all the banks/brokerages. One has to remember that behind every mortgage is a property so its not like they are unsecured loans.

The major loss on the bailout (with houses as security on these mortgages is that the mortgaged value of the houses is inflated by upwards of 200%) is the difference between real value and book value and the cost of now managing this size of a portfolio to figure out what they have and do not have..
 
The houses do not have inflated value.They do reflect normal ebbs and flows in property values over the life of a 30 year mortgage.Also these mortgages generate income for the investor. It is true that some mortgages default but so far its 2% nationwide which isnt a big deal.
 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail web site, is a report that says the ‘toxic mortgages’ (what I have been calling ‘distressed assets’) are worth going to cost $700 Billion to write off:

http://www.reportonbusiness.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080920.wbillionfigure0920/BNStory/Business/home
Rescue plan price tag: $700-billion

JULIE HIRSCHFELD DAVIS
Associated Press

September 20, 2008 at 10:26 AM EDT

WASHINGTON — The Bush administration is asking Congress to let the government buy $700-billion in toxic mortgages in the largest financial bailout since the Great Depression, according to a draft of the plan obtained Saturday by The Associated Press.

The plan would give the government broad power to buy the bad debt of any U.S. financial institution for the next two years. It would raise the statutory limit on the national debt from $10.6-trillion to $11.3-trillion to make room for the massive rescue.

The proposal does not specify what the government would get in return from financial companies for the federal assistance.

"We're going to work with Congress to get a bill done quickly," President George W. Bush said at the White House. Without discussing details of the plan, he said, "This is a big package because it was a big problem." The White House and congressional leaders hoped the developing legislation could pass as early as next week. Administration officials and members of Congress were to negotiate throughout the weekend.

The plan is designed to let faltering financial institutions unload their bad debt on the government, and in turn the taxpayer, in a bid to avoid dire economic consequences. Mr. Bush said he worried the financial troubles "could ripple throughout" the economy and affect average citizens. "The risk of doing nothing far outweighs the risk of the package, and over time we're going to get a lot of the money back." He added, "People are beginning to doubt our system, people were losing confidence and I understand it's important to have confidence in our financial system." "In my judgment, based upon the advice of a lot of people who know how markets work, this problem wasn't going to be contained to just the financial community," Mr. Bush said. He said he was concerned about "Main Street" and that what happens on "Wall Street" affects "Main Street."

Democrats are insisting the rescue include mortgage help to let struggling homeowners avoid foreclosures. They also are also considering attaching additional middle-class assistance to the legislation despite a request from Mr. Bush to avoid adding controversial items that could delay action. An expansion of jobless benefits was one possibility. Asked about the chances of adding such items, Mr. Bush sidestepped the question and answered by saying he hoped the rescue plan would pass quickly.

If passed by Congress, the plan would give the treasury secretary broad power to buy and sell the toxic mortgage-related assets without any additional involvement by lawmakers. The proposal, however, would require that the congressional committees with oversight on budget, tax and financial services issues be briefed within three months of the government's first use of the rescue power, and every six months after that.

In a briefing to lawmakers Friday, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke painted a grave picture of an economy on the edge of a major recession and telling them that action was urgent and imperative. In a session with House Democrats, they described a plan where the government would in essence set up reverse auctions, putting up money for a class of distressed assets - such as loans that are delinquent but not in default - and financial institutions would compete for how little they would accept for the investments, said Rep. Brad Sherman, who participated in the conference call. "You give them good cash; they give you the worst of the worst," Mr. Sherman said. A critic of the plan, he complained that Bush and his economic advisers were trying to panic lawmakers into rubber-stamping it. Mr. Paulson said the new troubled-asset relief program must be large enough to have the necessary impact while protecting taxpayers as much as possible. "I am convinced that this bold approach will cost American families far less than the alternative - a continuing series of financial institution failures and frozen credit markets unable to fund economic expansion," Mr. Paulson said. "The financial security of all Americans ... depends on our ability to restore our financial institutions to a sound footing."

Administration officials hoped the rescue plan could be finalized this weekend, to lend calm to Monday morning's market openings, said Keith Hennessey, the director of the president's economic council. The goal is to have something passed by Congress by the end of next week, when lawmakers recess for the elections.


 
More interesting financial/economic news, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail web site:

http://www.reportonbusiness.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080920.wmorganstanley20/BNStory/Business/home
Morgan Stanley board meets to weigh options

JESSICA HALL
Reuters

September 20, 2008 at 4:30 PM EDT

PHILADELPHIA — Morgan Stanley's board was scheduled to meet Saturday to weigh strategic options for the investment bank, including a possible takeover by Wachovia Corp. or selling a bigger stake to China Investment Corp, sources familiar with the situation said Saturday.

No deal was seen as imminent and no formal offers were on the table from Wachovia or sovereign wealth fund China Investment Corp (CIC), sources said.

Morgan Stanley and Wachovia declined to comment and CIC could not be immediately reached.

Morgan Stanley feels less pressure to do a deal with Wachovia, or any other potential partner, in the wake of the U.S. government's massive rescue plan, the sources said.

The U.S. government said Friday said it is preparing to take on hundreds of billions of dollars in bad mortgage debt from the banks' balance sheets, after curbing short selling and guaranteeing mutual funds in an effort to stabilize financial markets.

Any deal between would likely involve a stock purchase of Morgan Stanley by Wachovia, but Morgan Stanley's first preference is to remain independent, the sources said.

Although no deal is seen as imminent, all options are being weighed by the board this weekend, including a cash infusion by CIC, sources said. Still, Morgan Stanley is considering whether it needs to do a deal at all, sources said.

In the past week, Morgan Stanley's stock plunged and its debt insurance prices surged amid fear that even large broker-dealers could not weather the current crisis.

A series of moves by the U.S. government to limit short sales and to sop up toxic bank assets sparked a rally in financial shares Friday.

Morgan Stanley has seen its market capitalization plunge to $30-billion (U.S.) from $42-billion in the past month. Shares of Morgan Stanley closed on Friday at $27.21, up $4.66, or 21 per cent. Wachovia's market capitalization is $40-billion.

The Wall Street Journal reported that CIC's interest may be contingent on Wachovia being able to offload some of its mortgage assets. The CIC discussion has been preliminary and has not been raised with Wachovia's board, the paper said.

CIC dampened speculation Friday that it could be ready to increase its stake in Morgan Stanley as a senior CIC official was quoted by the Xinhua news agency as saying Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs were capable of tackling their problems on their own.

However, sources familiar with the plans told Reuters Thursday that CIC, which bought 9.9 per cent of Morgan Stanley last December, is in talks to raise its holdings to as much as 49 per cent.

It makes sense for CIC (China Investment Corp) to take a bigger stake in one of the ‘distressed assets’ holders. The Chinese are taking a pounding, as big holders of US debt, so they may want to sign up for some of the US taxpayer funded relief. A hundred billion here, a hundred billion there, and pretty soon you’re talking real money, to paraphrase the late Senator Everett Dirksen.

 
The US cannot afford Obama. If anyone still doubts that Obama is a socialist this article should throw a bit of cold water on your face.

http://www.usnews.com/blogs/capital-commerce/2008/2/20/does-obama-want-a-trillion-dollar-global-tax.html

Does Obama Want a Trillion-Dollar Global Tax?
February 20, 2008 10:39 AM ET | James Pethokoukis | Permanent Link


I know we still have nine months to go before Election Day, but I may already have a winner for my "Understatement of the Election Season" Award. Right at the end of his big economic speech last week in Wisconsin, Democratic front-runner Barack Obama, last night's big primary winner in that state, said the following:

In the end, this economic agenda won't just require new money. It will require a new spirit of cooperation and innovation on behalf of the American people. We will have to learn more, and study more, and work harder. We'll be called upon to take part in shared sacrifice and shared prosperity.

Let's stick with that "new money" part for a moment. For starters, that "new" money is, of course, "your" money, your tax dollars. And it's a lot of money. Obama has proposed a couple of hundred billion buckaroos in new government spending along with new tax increases. But Obama may have just been getting started. Back in December, Obama sponsored the "Global Poverty Act," a bill that proposed the following (Efharisto to the American Thinker for spotting this one):

To require the President to develop and implement a comprehensive strategy to further the United States foreign policy objective of promoting the reduction of global poverty, the elimination of extreme global poverty, and the achievement of the [U.N.] Millennium Development Goal of reducing by one-half the proportion of people worldwide, between 1990 and 2015, who live on less than $1 per day.

What this bill would do, in short, is commit the United States to the U.N. declared goal that industrialized countries should spend 0.7 percent a year of their gross domestic product on foreign aid. Over the next decade or so, that would work out to around $850 billion. When the bill passed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last week, Obama said that "as we strive to rebuild America's standing in the world, this important bill will demonstrate our promise and commitment to those in the developing world. Our commitment to the global economy must extend beyond trade agreements that are more about increasing corporate profits than about helping workers and small farmers everywhere."

How to pay for our penance? Economist Jeffrey Sachs, an advocate of this idea, has a suggestion:

We will need, in the end, to put real resources in support of our hopes. A global tax on carbon-emitting fossil fuels might be the way to begin. Even a very small tax, less than that which is needed to correct humanity's climate-deforming overuse of fossil fuels, would finance a greatly enhanced supply of global public goods.

So not only does Obama want to raise taxes on Americans making over $250,000 a year and eliminate the $102,000 wage cap on Social Security taxes, he perhaps wants to tack on another trillion dollars in taxes to pay for dramatically increased foreign aid. Of course, we could just borrow the money. Obama, after all, has not stressed balancing the budget during this campaign, instead promising to eventually put the budget on a "pathway" to being balanced.

And would such a commitment of money work anyway? Here is what Sachs critic William Easterly, an economic professor at New York University, wrote in the Journal of Economic Perspectives in 2003 on the topic:

Aid agencies have misspent much effort looking for the Next Big Idea that would enable aid to buy growth. Poor nations include an incredible variety of institutions, cultures and histories: millennia-old civilizations in gigantic China and India; African nations convulsed by centuries of the slave trade, colonialism, arbitrary borders, tropical diseases and local despots; Latin American nations with two centuries of independence and five centuries of extreme inequality; Islamic civilizations with a long history of technical advance relative to the West and then a falling behind; and recently created nations like tiny East Timor. The idea of aggregating all this diversity into a "developing world" that will "take off" with foreign aid is a heroic simplification.... The macroeconomic evidence does not support these claims.... The goal of having the high-income people make some kind of transfer to very poor people remains a worthy one, despite the disappointments of the past. But the appropriate goal of foreign aid is neither to move as much money as politically possible, nor to foster societywide transformation from poverty to wealth. The goal is simply to benefit some poor people some of the time.

Another option proposed by geopolitical strategist Thomas Barnett, who advocates that the United States partner with China and India to create a heavily armed global peace corps (our expertise and firepower, their manpower) to bring security to failed states in Africa and elsewhere across the globe. With a relatively safe environment established, private direct investment could then pour into those countries.

 
Since the start of the Bush presidency:

DOW UP 40 POINTS IN PAST MONTH... UP 18% PAST 5 YEARS... UP 44% PAST 10 YEARS...
 
tomahawk6 said:
Since the start of the Bush presidency:

DOW UP 40 POINTS IN PAST MONTH... UP 18% PAST 5 YEARS... UP 44% PAST 10 YEARS...

What goes up, must come down......the faster it goes up, the faster it comes down


That applies to budgets, stockmarkets, my ego......etc  :)
 
GAP said:
What goes up, must come down......the faster it goes up, the faster it comes down


That applies to budgets, stockmarkets, my ego......etc  :)

Uhmmm ... this is (both sentences) applicable to everything EXCEPT gas prices - just to be clear.  >:D
 
ArmyVern said:
Uhmmm ... this is (both sentences) applicable to everything EXCEPT gas prices - just to be clear.  >:D

It applies to gas prices also (if you include the indigestion you get each time you go to the gas station...)
 
tomahawk6 said:
It is good for retirement accounts though. :)

As for good retirement, I strongly doubt it.
US are bankrupt.
The current credit crisis is only a small echo of a hidden iceberg of future debt problems.

Please sit tight while I walk you through the math of Medicare. As you may know, the program comes in three parts: Medicare Part A, which covers hospital stays; Medicare B, which covers doctor visits; and Medicare D, the drug benefit that went into effect just 29 months ago. The infinite-horizon present discounted value of the unfunded liability for Medicare A is $34.4 trillion. The unfunded liability of Medicare B is an additional $34 trillion. The shortfall for Medicare D adds another $17.2 trillion. The total? If you wanted to cover the unfunded liability of all three programs today, you would be stuck with an $85.6 trillion bill. That is more than six times as large as the bill for Social Security. It is more than six times the annual output of the entire U.S. economy.

Why is the Medicare figure so large? There is a mix of reasons, really. In part, it is due to the same birthrate and life-expectancy issues that affect Social Security. In part, it is due to ever-costlier advances in medical technology and the willingness of Medicare to pay for them. And in part, it is due to expanded benefits—the new drug benefit program’s unfunded liability is by itself one-third greater than all of Social Security’s.

Add together the unfunded liabilities from Medicare and Social Security, and it comes to $99.2 trillion over the infinite horizon.
...
No combination of tax hikes and spending cuts, though, will change the total burden borne by current and future generations. For the existing unfunded liabilities to be covered in the end, someone must pay $99.2 trillion more or receive $99.2 trillion less than they have been currently promised. This is a cold, hard fact. The decision we must make is whether to shoulder a substantial portion of that burden today or compel future generations to bear its full weight.

Richard W. Fisher is president and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
http://dallasfed.org/news/speeches/fisher/2008/fs080528.cfm
 
An 18% return average over 5 years is hard to beat. No the US isnt bankrupt.
 
Flanker said:
...
US are bankrupt.
The current credit crisis is only a small echo of a hidden iceberg of future debt problems.

Richard W. Fisher is president and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
http://dallasfed.org/news/speeches/fisher/2008/fs080528.cfm


The number, $99 Trillion, is HUGE – Fisher needs a huge number to make his argument for change (an argument with which I wholeheartedly agree, by the way) so he chose an infinite horizon. That means that there is some, finite time within which American may elect more fiscally responsible legislators.

America can change, Fisher and I would say must change; we know that because America has done so before.

Americans are good at rolling up their sleeves and solving tough problems: they don’t like it very much but they’re good at it – thankfully.

 
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