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Election 2015

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One thing which has escaped notice is the effect of the new NDP leader on the Green Party. While the sooner their "leader" is sent packing the better; this analysis suggests the Green voters and supporters may decide the NDP is a better fit:

http://russ-campbell.blogspot.ca/2012/03/will-green-party-survive-mulcair.html

Will the Green party survive a Mulcair victory?

The fed­eral Dip­pers choose a new leader on Sat­ur­day, and should Thomas Mul­cair be cho­sen, that may very well spell the be­gin­ning of the end of the Green Party of Canada as the coun­try’s en­vi­ron­men­tal con­science. Eliz­a­beth May, please take note.

Thomas Mul­cair, the Out­remont MP, is a for­mer Que­bec en­vi­ron­ment min­is­ter who, ac­cord­ing to a straight.​com Nov. 2011 ar­ti­cle, has a quo­ta­tion from David Suzuki on the front page of his cal­en­dar in Ot­tawa: “We are the en­vi­ron­ment, and the en­vi­ron­ment is us.”

Mul­cair has been pretty con­sis­tent in his sup­port of the Ky­oto Ac­cord and in his crit­i­cism of Al­berta’s oil sands, es­pe­cially of sub­si­dies to that sec­tor. “You have to re­move the sub­si­dies, the $1.6-bil­lion [an­nu­ally] that we were giv­ing to the tar sands,” he is quoted as telling the Geor­gia Straight.

Doesn’t get much greener than that, does it?

My bet is Mul­cair would be very com­fort­able and ef­fec­tive poach­ing vot­ers from the Green party, thereby padding the NDP’s base by about three per cent—per­haps even a point or two more.

Surely Green vot­ers would see that a vote for an en­vi­ron­men­tally friendly party, which is the of­fi­cial op­po­si­tion and could form the next gov­ern­ment, makes more sense than a vote for an en­vi­ron­men­tal party that doesn’t have a chance of ever hold­ing more that a hand­ful of seats in the House of Com­mons, if that.

With their rai­son d’être usurped by a Mul­cair-led NDP, the Green Party of Canada could be left to wither and die.
 
I think Craig's been sipping a little too much of the orange coolaid:

Read more: http://www.ctv.ca/CTVNews/QPeriod/20120323/craigstake-ndp-convention-120323/#ixzz1q03BcyuB

Craig's Take: This may be NDP's moment in history

Craig Oliver, CTV Chief Political Correspondent

Date: Friday Mar. 23, 2012 3:46 PM ET

The New Democratic Party is doing something I would never have thought possible when I covered its founding convention in Regina in 1961.

This weekend, they are choosing not just a new leader but someone who will head the opposition parties in Parliament.

For the first time that puts the party realistically in line to form a government if they can win a difficult contest on three fronts in Quebec, against the Liberals, and against the Conservatives under Stephen Harper.

In the years since the party was founded to replace the old CCF, they have formed provincial governments everywhere in the West except Alberta, in Ontario and in the Atlantic provinces, however, the big prize of national power has eluded them.

It was the iconic figure of Tommy Douglas, the father of national healthcare, who set the party on its way as one dedicated to social fairness and economic justice. But Tommy and later leaders could never move it beyond its image as a big-spending socialist-labour coalition. Although, Ed Broadbent came closest to breaking that stereotype.

It was left to Jack Layton to take it to a new level by retaining the party's popular values but tying them to optimism and most of all, pragmatism and compromise when necessary.

He also transformed it into a modern political organization capable of winning elections.

This weekend, the party is trembling on the brink knowing, as all its members do, this may be their moment in history if they make the right choice about their next leader.

They are voting against the background of a Nanos poll indicating that a near-majority of Canadians say the country would be in good hands under an NDP government and another from Environics showing the party's national support is equal to that of the ruling Conservatives.

The question for the NDP rank-and-file is: who best to carry forward and consolidate what many believe is the party's momentum? We will have the answer by the time CTV's Question Period goes on air Sunday morning and our program will be fully devoted to the new leader and where the party and its Conservative and Liberal opponents believe they are all at.

I think the reality will be much different than the dream. I foresee a resurgent Block taking many of their previous seats back leaving the NDP with a much reduced caucus. The Liberals will probably rebound a little, and we may even enter minority government territory. To suggest that the NDP will form that government is laughable. The Torries Stand to lose no ground in Quebec where the NDP stands to lose everything. There is no way that the Torries are going to lose 35 seats nationwide while the NDP gain them.
 
At the end of the 1st ballot the results in the NDP leadership race are:

Mulcair:  30.4%
Topp:      21.4%
Cullen:    16.4%
Nash:      12.9%
Dewar:    )
Singh:    }  Not on the 2nd ballot
Ashton:  )

This is actually an important election. If Mulcair wins he will be tough on the Conservatives but he will be harder on the Liberals. He's a good, vigorous parliamentarian and he does well on TV. He will, I suspect drag the party towards the centre which is bad for the Liberals but good for the country because IF he ever does become prime minister a Mulcair government will do less damage than, say, a Topp led administration would. If Topp wins he will be easy for the Conservative and the Liberals to attack and he will find it hard to fight back. He will also keep the party in the left of the spectrum which means that Canadians will not elect them to govern. But he will also foil Stephen Harper's goal of destroying the Liberals because the left of centre vote will, once again, be divided.

So: Mulcair is better for the country and better for Harper's "annihilate the Liberals" project, but Mulcair might actually win an election in 2019 or later. Topp is doomed to take the NDP back to third party status - maybe even fourth, thus he presents no threat to Canada.

 
Craig Oliver is great; I love the pinched look of panic/terror/bewilderment/disappointment on his face whenever he has to report on anything favourable to the Conservatives.

"...dedicated to social fairness and economic justice. But Tommy and later leaders could never move it beyond its image as a big-spending socialist-labour coalition."

But "fairness" and "justice" are essentially substitutes for "redistribution".  Realistically, there is no achieving "fairness" and "justice" any other way.  And if you are to redistribute in any meaningful way short of instructing taxpayers to make direct payments to welfare recipients, you must be a "big-spender" (after first being a "big-taxer").  Stop apologizing for what the NDP is or trying to mislead people into believing it is something else and stand up to defend what it is.  Or don't.
 
Fairness and Justice are not the same; "fairness" is quite subjective (just listen in on your children's arguments about something being "fair"; generally if something is "not fair" it is not in the child's favour) wheras Justice, properly concieved and administered, is not.

Sadly, our "Justice" system is badly flawed in the direction of "fairness", the recent Supreme Court decision that sentencing can be adjusted on racist grounds is only the most recent (and dramatic) example.

As for getting Government "fairness", you don't have to think too hard to realize what an NDP government considers "fair" will probably be quite "unfair" for most Canadians footing the bill for the favoured few.
 
The specter of a "coalition of the losers" raises its head again:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2012/03/24/chris-selley-the-new-democrats-and-coalition-governance/

Chris Selley: The New Democrats and coalition governance
Chris Selley  Mar 24, 2012 – 11:54 AM ET | Last Updated: Mar 24, 2012 12:37 PM ET

Darren Calabrese/National Post
Thomas Mulcair says a “categorical, absolute, irrefutable and non-negotiable” no to coalition governments. But don't believe him.

The majority of the differences between Thomas Mulcair and Brian Topp are either fictions or exaggerations crafted by their respective camps. Topp lays claim to the “real” progressive legacy of Jack Layton and implies Mulcair would violate that legacy, but in so doing he pretends Layton didn’t himself move the party to the centre. Imagining them both as party leader, it’s tough to see many earth-shattering policy differences. They’re both pros; they’re both of the centre-left; they both want to win.

A former colleague directs me to a rhetorical distinction between the two, however, that is more clearly drawn than I had realized. Whereas Topp was one of the key backroom architects of the 2008 coalition agreement with the Liberals, Mulcair recently told the Huffington Post that he wouldn’t even consider such an arrangement, or even a less formal one:

“N.O.,” he told HuffPost. The NDP tried to form a coalition with the Liberals in 2008 and then the Grits “lifted their noses up on it,” Mulcair said.

The coalition experience taught Mulcair everything he needs to know about the Liberals. They’re untrustworthy and he said he’ll never work with them again, whether in a formal or informal coalition.

“The no is categorical, absolute, irrefutable and non-negotiable. It’s no. End of story. Full stop,” he said.

Related
Chris Selley: Hurray for complicated voting systems!
John Ivison: First ballot surprises good and bad for Thomas Mulcair
I don’t believe him, and you probably shouldn’t either. It runs against logic, parliamentary tradition, Quebec public opinion, recent party policy and the stated desire of the New Democrats to see the back of Stephen Harper. It’s clearly designed to bolster his thin NDP (as opposed to Quebec Liberal) credentials. But if Mulcair wins the leadership, it gives Harper’s Conservatives yet another angle of attack: Not only are the Liberals lying coalitioneering creeps; now the New Democrats are, too. I’m sure the Tories have clipped and and saved the quotes above for use in future Mulcair attack ads, should they become necessary.

Worse, in the unlikely event Mulcair kept up this rhetoric in an election campaign, it would make any post-election agreement with the Liberals just as democratically flawed as the one they tried to engineer in 2008. Back then, Stéphane Dion had promised not to do any such thing — though Jack Layton hadn’t. Next time around, maybe both party leaders will have promised not to. It would be a total non-starter.

For now, though, as we await the second ballot results, this is just an interesting element of the horse race: Where might Nathan Cullen’s support — he’s only five percentage points behind Topp, 14 behind Mulcair — migrate? On the one hand, his plan to hold joint nomination meetings with Liberals and Green Party candidates in winnable Conservative ridings suggests a pragmatic, anyone’s-better-than-Harper approach that might prefer the most experienced, hardest-hitting, apparently safest path to power: Mulcair. On the other hand, there he is barring the gate along that path. And there’s Topp, smiling, planning his inevitable by-election victory.
 
There is nothing unconstitutional or even wrong with a coalition (which, except in times of a dire emergency, will likely always be of "losers") so long as the voters know, before they go to the polls, that is what is on offer. Equally, after a minority government falls a coalition of the official opposition and one (or two) others parties is likewise constitutional, in fact it, at least informally, is probably essential unless we want to go back to the polls.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
At the end of the 1st ballot the results in the NDP leadership race are:

Mulcair:  30.4%
Topp:      21.4%
Cullen:    16.4%
Nash:      12.9%
Dewar:    )
Singh:    }  Not on the 2nd ballot
Ashton:  )

This is actually an important election. If Mulcair wins he will be tough on the Conservatives but he will be harder on the Liberals. He's a good, vigorous parliamentarian and he does well on TV. He will, I suspect drag the party towards the centre which is bad for the Liberals but good for the country because IF he ever does become prime minister a Mulcair government will do less damage than, say, a Topp led administration would. If Topp wins he will be easy for the Conservative and the Liberals to attack and he will find it hard to fight back. He will also keep the party in the left of the spectrum which means that Canadians will not elect them to govern. But he will also foil Stephen Harper's goal of destroying the Liberals because the left of centre vote will, once again, be divided.

So: Mulcair is better for the country and better for Harper's "annihilate the Liberals" project, but Mulcair might actually win an election in 2019 or later. Topp is doomed to take the NDP back to third party status - maybe even fourth, thus he presents no threat to Canada.


Results of the second ballot:

Thomas Mulcair - 38.3%  +8%
Brian Topp        -  25%    +4%
Nathan Cullen  -  19.9%  +3%
Peggy Nash      -  16.8%. +4%    (Nash eliminated)

Edit to add:

Third round results:

Thomas Mulcair  43.8% +5.5%
Brian Topp        31.6%  +6.6%
Nathan Cullen    24.6%. +4.6%  (Cullen is eliminated)

The smart (and gracious) move for Topp, now, is to concede and make the nomination of Muclair unanimous; I'm not sure Topp has that kind of grace.

Edited again to add:

Final result:

Mulcair 57+%
Topp    42%

So Cullen's vore split a little better than 50:50 (about 14:11, actually) in favour of Mulcair. Topp's only chance was for a 3:1 split in his favour and, according to the pundits, that was not in the cards.

The NDP have made the best choice for themselves; the Conservatives will like Mulcair less than they would have liked Topp because Mulcair is a seasoned, skilled, combative politician; the Liberals will hate him because he will try very, very hard to eat their lunch.
 
One Blogging Tory on how the new leader of the opposition should operate. I agree with his conclusion; only an effective opposition will keep the current government sharp and on their toes:

http://phantomobserver.com/blog/?p=13421

Good Morning, Mister Opposition Leader
Posted on 25 March 2012 by PhantomObserver

Yes, good morning, and congratulations on a well-earned win. I trust you’ve had a good night’s sleep; given that you didn’t exactly set the world on fire with your victory speech, I’m sure everyone thought you needed one.

Well, I know that today’s probably going to be the interview circuit for you, and then comes tomorrow when the really hard work really begins. I figure that today, you’ve got a bit of time to think about your current situation.

First, you’ll be relieved to realize that there won’t be the same kind of pressure on you that your Liberal predecessors had to face. See, Messrs. Dion and Ignatieff had to deal with a caucus and backroom that became addicted to wielding power in government, and had been doing so for more than a decade. They believed, based on their past experience and a predictable misunderestimation of Stephen Harper, that they could easily win a majority government from him. Only now, with their reduction to third-party status thanks in to small part to your mentor, Mr. Layton, do they realize that power is pretty much out of their reach, and for some of them it’s out of their reach forever.

You don’t have that pressure. Sure, there are people in your party who think that the NDP can easily take power in 2015, but right now they have very little to back up their contention, other than an caricaturish perception of rage against the Harper government. You can, in fact, take your time in reworking the party — caucus, infrastructure, fundraising — to become a credible, gen-you-wine, pragmatic Party of the left. You might not take power in 2015 — but 2019 looks perfectly doable. And what’s more, the people in your party who are willing to give you that time happen to be in the majority right now.

Second, there’s the question of what you’ll be getting as Opposition leader. It’s a lot more than just the keys to Stornoway (and by the way, you can count your blessings that you’ll be living in an Official Residence that’s in better condition than the one the PM’s got).

Don’t be too surprised if Mr. Harper arranges for you to get a Privy Council appointment, meaning you get to add “Honourable” before your name. He did it for Mr. Ignatieff about sixteen months after he became leader (technically, a year since he was fully acclaimed as permanent leader), and it’s exactly the sort of gesture of respect Mr. Harper likes to make, since it suits his notions of how Parliament should operate.

You’ll also be getting a few headaches, including the inevitable attack campaigns. (Note that I said “campaigns” — there’s more than advertising involved.)

Some may tell you that it’s started already. Um, no. That’s just the generic “new NDP leader” statement with the “copy/paste” spot where the leader’s name should be. The Tory attack machine hasn’t really gotten serious about going after you, because you weren’t the official Opposition leader yet. Now, you are — and yes, they will.

What you need to understand about the Tory attack machine is that their preferred weapon isn’t personal — that’s interpreting their offerings wrongly. It’s better described as “enhanced negative spin” of whatever’s put forward about you. Think about it: Stéphane Dion is forever branded as “not a leader” because, on the public record, he got defensive about his tenure at Environment. Michael Ignatieff shows little inclination to do Parliamentary work in the months before he becomes leader, coupled with little time devoted to actually reaching the public; that, not a frequent ad buy, helped the success of the “Just Visiting” campaign.

You already have a leg up on those two, thanks to the way the media covered the NDP leadership campaign. They gave everyone some column inches on your pre-federal career, so the Ignatieff line won’t work; they’ve also noted your public persona’s on the combative side, so the “Not a Leader” Dion line won’t work. Of course there’ll be some lefties who lament this state of affairs, but there’s not a lot, other than a charm offensive, that can be done about folks who stubbornly refuse to grow up about politics, so feel free to discount them.

Anyway, the best way to defeat the Tory attack machine? As far as possible, don’t give them anything with a more powerful negative spin than your positive one. Case in point: the F-35 purchase. Among your caucus members are those who understand military matters, or who are willing to learn; put them together with those who are good at understanding budgets and procurement, and you can potentially create a compelling argument that a different plane — the Eurofighter or the Harrier, for example — would make more sense as a CF-18 replacement. The Tory attack machine really can’t do much about that, because it would be obvious to every observer of Canadian politics that you (and your caucus) have thought through your position, and have taken the military seriously.

And that is probably the biggest point you’ll have to consider, as the new Leader of the Opposition: if you want to prove that the NDP is ready for power, get serious about the business of government.

One of the biggest reasons why Stephen Harper won a majority government is because the Opposition spent far too much time trying to nail his administration on “procedure,” arcane aspects of the law and public administration that Canadian voters (a) haven’t been educated about and (b) about which they’d shrug their shoulders, in any case. Contempt of Parliament? Committee shenanigans? Not really on the radar; too much “inside baseball.” And also, too easy and reflexive as a strategy.

With the upcoming budget, you will get ammunition that can be used to cast doubt on the government’s ability to manage the economy. Reducing the public service? Potential damage for the City of Ottawa and other government functions. Program cancellations? Defend them on their merits. Increased spending on other programs? Attack and challenge the reasoning for supporting them. If people can see that you’re serious about your ideas on what government should and shouldn’t be doing, then respect for the New Democrats will rise — and so will the perception that they could be a good alternative.

Now you’re probably wondering why a Tory like myself should care that you be seen as credible, and my response (ever since 2006) will always be the same: an effective government needs an effective opposition. If you oppose Stephen Harper effectively, you will either break him or make him stronger as a result. A lot of folks in your party believe the former; I happen to believe the latter. We all agree, though, that if you aren’t effective, your party’s success in 2011 will be seen as “Jack’s One Hit Wonder.” I don’t think you want that to happen, do you?
 
For all their moaning about the loss of Canadian jobs at the hands of the Conservatives, I can't help but notice they hired a Spanish firm to handle their election.
 
A link to Mulclair''s victory spech is here  http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/video/video-mulcair-wins-heated-ndp-leadership-battle/article2380605/

I wish him, them,  us well.  One may not agree with what is being said. We've been blessed at time with articulate politicians that  on opposite sides of views .

Laurier/Borden come to mind.  Typical Hyperbole on my part, I know.

One can but hope.

So much for the wishful thinking,  an effective opposition,  is good for everyone. 

 
A pretty fair assessment, I think, of where Thomas Mulcair plans to take the NDP between now and the 2015 general election, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/john-ibbitson/ndp-sheds-comfy-sweaters-for-battle-gear/article2380920/
NDP sheds ‘comfy sweaters’ for battle gear

JOHN IBBITSON

TORONTO— From Monday's Globe and Mail
Published Sunday, Mar. 25, 2012

Thomas Mulcair has taken control of the New Democrats in the same way that Stephen Harper took control of the Conservatives: by appealing to the party membership in the face of opposition from the old guard.

Now, like Mr. Harper, Mr. Mulcair must transform that party from a protest movement into a government.

Make no mistake about the importance of what happened in Toronto last weekend: Tens of thousands of New Democrats rebelled against the party establishment – a cabal of union leaders, academics, journalists and party apparatchiks – to elect an outsider.

They did it, in the words of one NDP supporter who was at the convention, because they no longer wanted to be led by “a comfy sweater.” Mr. Mulcair and Brian Topp, who finished second, were both seen as bare-knuckle politicians who could take on the Conservatives and win.

Mr. Mulcair, a Quebec MP and former provincial Liberal cabinet minister, defeated Mr. Topp, the party’s canniest strategist, because Mr. Topp was favoured by the party elders, and among those elders there are too many comfy sweaters.

In appealing to the base through the one-member, one-vote system to displace the NDP elites, Mr. Mulcair was following precedent: Stephen Harper did the same to smother the Progressive Conservative influence within the new Conservative Party in 2004; he in turn was imitating Mike Harris’s coup against the old guard of the Ontario Conservatives in 1990.

If history is precedent, Mr. Mulcair will make a show of party unity, as he did Sunday by keeping Vancouver MP Libby Davies as deputy leader, just as Mr. Harper initially gave positions of prominence to old Progressive Conservative hands such as Peter MacKay and Jim Prentice.

But before long, the senior ranks will be filled with Mulcair people, and the NDP will begin to sound like something very different from the party of “brothers” and “sisters” and “solidarity” and “working people.”

And in this lies the uncomfortable irony for New Democrats. Just as Mr. Mulcair imitated Mr. Harper’s path to power, now he must imitate Mr. Harper by making his party electable.

For Mr. Harper, that meant distancing the Conservatives from opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage. For Mr. Mulcair, it means distancing the NDP from opposition to the oil sands, competitive taxes and free trade.

Manitoba MP Niki Ashton defined it best in the last NDP candidates debate, earlier this month.

“You’ve attacked our opposition to unfair trade deals, our links with the labour movement, our championing of ordinary people,” she accused Mr. Mulcair.

To which Mr. Mulcair replied: “Between the Ontario border and the B.C. border we now hold a grand total of three seats.” Principle, meet the will to power.

Mr. Harper kept core commitments to the conservative base by scrapping the gun registry, passing tough-on-crime laws and repeatedly lowering taxes.

A Mulcair government would no doubt toughen environmental regulations, spend more on health care and education and make it easier for unions to organize.

But if Mr. Mulcair ever does swap Stornaway for 24 Sussex Dr., it will be because voters expect his government to be no further to the left than the Obama administration, just as the Harper government is no further to the right than the Cameron administration in Britain.

Canada is a consensual society. Government operates within that consensus. Grownup parties know this. NDP members chose Mr. Mulcair because they believe he knows it too.


I think Prime Minister Harper, barring some major scandal, has and will have what he needs to secure another majority in 2015 - including a steadily improving economy, a (nearly) balanced budget, and 30 new seats in Conservative friendly suburbs in CB, AB and ON. I also think that Mulcair, at the head of a centre-left (rather than left of centre) party that has displaced the Liberals as the alternative governing party in Canada, has a reasonable shot at power in 2019.
 
More reading of tea leaves. It will be interesting to revisit the post one year from now and see how close or farr off the mark this was:

http://www.stephentaylor.ca/2012/03/thomas-mulcairs-ndp/

Thomas Mulcairs NDP

Seven Months, 131,000 members, 69,000 votes, 4 ballots, Thomas Mulcair: 57%. This past weekend in Toronto, the federal New Democrats elected the next leader of their party and Her Majesty’s Leader of the Loyal Opposition. Riding the so-called Orange Wave to an unprecedented 103 seats in the 41st General Election, NDP spirits were buoyed at convention despite the purpose of their task, to replace the much-beloved Jack Layton, who passed away last year.

For all of the hype and hope, the convention was marred by low voter turnout. Out of 131,000+ members, only 69,000 of them voted and many of those votes were aggravated over the course of the day of voting as voting systems jammed. For comparison’s sake, in 2004, 67,000 votes were cast for Stephen Harper’s leadership among Conservatives on the first ballot. As press gallery reporters look to flat-tires on campaign buses as metaphors for electoral viability, the voting issues did not help Canadians see confidence in the NDP.

In the end, NDP members chose Thomas Mulcair, however, today the party is divided. Mulcair’s chief rival, Brian Topp, was the pick of many Layton loyalists, organized labour and the old-guard of the party. Indeed, Ed Broadbent’s characterization of Mulcair during the leadership race has caused division among the ranks.

Thomas Mulcair was seen as a darkhorse candidate from Quebec. His bio describes him as a former provincial Liberal cabinet minister, and reports have linked his interests to Conservative Party candidacy, Mulcair can be described as a political chameleon. Many will doubt his sincerity as a leader of social democrats. Maclean’s magazine recently opined that he is more accurately described as a Liberal that would rather defend the status quo than agitate for social change. His supporters weren’t the dyed-in-the-wool NDP partisans, but more so they were those attracted to the spectacle of politics.

Will Thomas Mulcair lead the NDP to greater electoral fortunes? In 2003, the conservative family was split between two major parties: the Progressive Conservatives under Peter MacKay and the Canadian Alliance under Stephen Harper. Mulcair may see a path to victory by building a formal coalition of sorts between the Liberal Party and the NDP. With mergers and cooperation, Stephen Harper was the ideologue, while the PC party the centrists. If polarization of the electorate is to serve the NDP, the formula may not be correct as Mulcair is leading as a non-ideological centrist perhaps looking to broker an arrangement with a weaker centrist party.

Politically who benefits and loses from a Mulcair victory?

Mulcair’s appeal to a certain part of the NDP’s traditional base may be shaky. Mulcair is seen more of a patrician than a man-of-the-people. Critics have called him cold and arrogant. To connect with blue-collar (Joe and Jane Lunch-bucket) types, the French-cuff-shirted image Mulcair carries may benefit the Conservatives. Mulcair risks losing touch with the type of middle-class clock-punching Sun-reading populists.

Geographically, the Mulcair NDP will be very competitive in Quebec further retrenching the traditional positions of the Liberal Party and the Bloc. The last bastions of strong Liberal support are Montreal and Toronto. Mulcair’s riding is in downtown Montreal. Westerners will perceive an urban elitist Quebecker lecturing their region on energy policy and the oilsands. Mulcair was a former resource minister in Charest’s cabinet who allegedly resigned on environmental principles. Pipeline politics is not only a major factor in the American Presidential election cycle, but here too in Canada. The Northern Gateway pipeline is a major sticking point in BC and Alberta. Mulcair’s leadership will fix the geographic and issue focal point too far East and too far disconnected for Western sentiment. Where the NDP is competitive therefore, is not where the Conservatives are competitive. Under Mulcair’s leadership, the NDP is competitive where they find the Liberals as their chief rival.

The NDP and the Conservatives see common goal in the elimination of the Liberal Party. Mulcair can help achieve this by showing impressive opposition to Stephen Harper’s government in a majority leaving the over-covered Liberal Party with less airtime. He can also start appealing to common left-leaning principles to make them the brand of the NDP. Viable electability for the NDP will not just come through recasting the Conservative scandal-of-the-week to the Ottawa press (a strategy that failed Ignatieff) but voters will be attracted to specific hallmark policies that the NDP now must craft for more than 25% of the electorate (and haphazard Quebec voters). Mulcair must avoid the elitist label and speak on pocketbook issues in order to protect NDP gains.

Winning with only 57% of the vote on the final ballot and with a bellicose Topp holding on to the bitter end just to oppose a Mulcair leadership, the victor has fences to mend in his party. Though a new party leader has the prerogative of filling his office with his own loyalists, he’ll have to handle the inevitable departure of senior figures with as much grace as possible. Mulcair also faces the possibility of losing the labour segment of the NDP base. Though CUPE eventually endorsed the new NDP leader, most of the other unions supported Topp (some were for Nash then Topp). The Liberal strategy moving forward should be to capture disgruntled union stakeholders and bring them into Liberal decision making processes. The CAW famously left Layton for Martin during the 2004 election and a former socialist premier of Ontario might be the one to bring them back into the smaller red tent.

The Conservative strategy on Mulcair will be to encourage those that dislike Harper to fall into Mulcair’s camp at the expense of the Liberals because the Harper Tories still see the Liberals as their chief rivals. As for the votes the Conservatives can get, their main message will be jobs and the economy and tht theirs is the only party that is focusing on the same while the other parties focus on special interests and themselves.
 
For your enjoyment - the ever entertaining Rick Mercer on attack ads


http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2012/03/28/rick-mercer-rant-attack-ads_n_1384907.html?ref=canada

 
And the real (Election 2015) games begin, according to this article which is reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/ottawa-notebook/marathon-ndp-budget-response-puts-liberal-noses-out-of-joint/article2391097/
Marathon NDP budget response puts Liberal noses out of joint

GLORIA GALLOWAY

OTTAWA— Globe and Mail Update
Posted on Tuesday, April 3, 2012

For three days it seemed as if the New Democrats were filibustering the Liberals to prevent them from responding to Finance Minister Jim Flaherty’s budget.

In fact, NDP officials say they were merely blocking members of the Conservative government from running through talking points about how the budget they tabled last week will serve Canadians.

In the end, the tactic prevented both Liberals and Conservatives from speaking – a demonstration of both the style of NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair and the large divide that remains between New Democrats and Liberals.

The NDP, as Official Opposition, were permitted to use an unlimited amount of the four days allotted in the Commons to budget response. But they were expected to allow the third-party Liberals to also have a chance to speak.

For the longest time, it seemed the NDP was determined not to let that happen.

Peter Julian, the Opposition finance critic, was on his feet last week, then again Monday and Tuesday, telling Parliament what his party thinks of the government’s latest fiscal plan. By the final day, he was reduced to reading the e-mails and Twitter messages from Canadians who agree with New Democrats that the budget is wrong-headed.

By his own estimation. Mr. Julian talked non-stop for the better part of 14 hours over the course of four days. His voice had started to wear thin and he was forced to drink repeated sips of water just to keep going.

And the Liberals were not happy about it.

“At the moment the NDP is a little bit drunk with power,” Liberal House Leader Marc Garneau said Tuesday after Question Period. “They are being childish and maybe taking on some of the bad habits of the Conservatives. We’ll wait and see how it works out.”

In fact, Mr. Julian had forecast earlier in the day that the Liberals would get to have their moment.

“Conservative ministers have been going all across the country on taxpayer dollars, on the taxpayer’s dime, making all kinds of announcements and saying what I believe are, to a great extent, untruths about the budget,” he told the Commons. “Therefore, I would just like to make it clear today that I will not be sitting down to permit Conservative MPs to then raise what I would call their budgetary poison in the House of Commons.”

Mr. Julian promised that he would sit down at about 4:30 pm “to allow a couple of Liberals to speak to the budget.” And, at about that time, he moved a motion that would negate all of the budget as proposed by the Conservatives, took a standing ovation from his caucus for his marathon performance, and sat down.

But the Liberals remained unimpressed by the NDP strategy.

Kevin Lamoureaux, the MP for Winnipeg North, said the budget motion is one of the most important items that is debated in the House.

“We all have concerns that we would like to be able to express in regard to the budget,” the Liberal said. “There are literally hundreds of issues across this great nation of ours. We would hope that, in recognition of how important this debate it, that we would allow members to contribute to that debate.”

This week, Parliament has witnessed a demonstration of the different type of leadership that the NDP have, Mr. Lamoureaux said. “Is it the New Democrats’ intentions [on every bill they oppose] to use as much time on the clock in order to prevent other members of Parliament from being able to contribute in representing their constituents?”

Mr. Julian replied that, when the Liberals were in opposition they “paid lip service to what the Conservatives were doing as they vandalized the economy and the country.”

The Liberals voted to support the Conservative minority government 114 consecutive times, he said – something that was done to prevent the government from falling and the country from being plunged into an election. “The NDP is saying when we think the direction is wrong, we’re going to stand up to this government.”


Now, the Dippers really, really do oppose the Conservatives; the Tories are the real, ancient enemy, they stand against everything the NDSP holds dear and, and, and ... but for now, and through to 2015, the NDP must fight a war on two fronts: against the Conservatives and against the Liberals. And the second front is the big one. If the NDP ever want to take power in Canada they must, first of all, displace the Liberals as the logical natural alternative to the Tories.

Expect more of this sort of thing.
 
And the NDP enjoy privileged access to the Zipless Vote (apologies to Erica Jong).  They can vote with no strings attached.  It just doesn't matter what they say or do.  A situation that is immensely freeing to both the Government and the Official Opposition.  All other parties are there on sufferance.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
And the real (Election 2015) games begin, according to this article which is reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/ottawa-notebook/marathon-ndp-budget-response-puts-liberal-noses-out-of-joint/article2391097/

Now, the Dippers really, really do oppose the Conservatives; the Tories are the real, ancient enemy, they stand against everything the NDSP holds dear and, and, and ... but for now, and through to 2015, the NDP must fight a war on two fronts: against the Conservatives and against the Liberals. And the second front is the big one. If the NDP ever want to take power in Canada they must, first of all, displace the Liberals as the logical natural alternative to the Tories.

Expect more of this sort of thing.


And here it is, in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/with-ndp-nipping-at-tory-heels-in-poll-rae-lashes-out-at-mini-harper-mulcair/article2392371/]
With NDP nipping at Tory heels in poll, Rae lashes out at ‘mini-Harper’ Mulcair

JOAN BRYDEN

OTTAWA— The Canadian Press
Published Wednesday, Apr. 04, 2012

Thomas Mulcair and Bob Rae are trading personal insults as New Democrats and Liberals jostle for opening position in the federal political version of the reality show Survivor.

With Mr. Mulcair freshly installed as the new NDP Leader, the battle over which opposition party will emerge as the national alternative to the ruling Conservatives has begun in earnest.

It escalated into trash talk Wednesday after a new poll suggested the NDP is enjoying a big bounce in popularity since Mr. Mulcair was chosen leader on March 24.

The Harris-Decima survey conducted for The Canadian Press indicates the New Democrats surged into a statistical tie with the Conservatives, with the parties at 32 and 34 per cent support respectively.

The NDP boost came almost entirely at the expense of the Liberals, who slipped back to 19 per cent – the same all-time low they received in last May's election when the self-styled natural governing party was reduced to a third-party rump.

Mr. Rae, the Interim Liberal Leader, kicked off a round of personal barbs Wednesday, equating Mr. Mulcair's combative, ultra-partisan style to that of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He dubbed the Opposition Leader “mini-Harper.”

Mr. Rae pointed to the NDP ploy to monopolize debate on last week's budget as evidence that Mr. Mulcair has ditched the respectful, more civilized approach to politics championed by his predecessor, the late Jack Layton.

The first two Official Opposition intervenors are entitled to unlimited time to speak and NDP finance critic Peter Julian took full advantage of that, speaking for more than 13 hours over three days. Liberals got their first shot at joining the debate – a mere 20 minutes – late Tuesday, once Mr. Julian finally wrapped up.

Mr. Rae said the ploy accomplished nothing other than prevent some 40 MPs, of various parties, from speaking on the budget.

“If there was any doubt in anyone's mind in Canada, let me just say that the era of love and good feeling is clearly over inside the NDP. It's a new regime.”

Invoking Mr. Layton's deathbed social democratic manifesto, Mr. Rae added: “We've now moved to a world where anger apparently is better than love, arrogance is now better than humility and petulance is much stronger than respect.

The NDP Leader dismissed Mr. Rae's salvo as the product of someone who sees his hopes of becoming the permanent Liberal leader dimming amid the publicity generated by Montreal MP Justin Trudeau's victory last weekend in a charity boxing match.

“I believe that Mr. Rae is quite concerned about the arrival of Mr. Trudeau on the scene and the recent attention being paid to him. So I think he's having a bit of a tough week,” he said, apparently oblivious to the fact Mr. Trudeau has ruled out running for his party's leadership.

Mr. Mulcair made it clear, as far as he's concerned, the Liberals are irrelevant. He made no apologies for monopolizing the budget debate, maintaining that Liberals have nothing useful to add to the discussion.

“They don't have anything to say about the Conservative budget because, like usual, they agree with the Conservative budget. They agreed with the last five Conservative budgets when they were the official Opposition; they're in agreement with this one,” he said, ignoring the fact that Liberals voted against the 2011 budget, triggering an election, and are opposed to the latest fiscal blueprint.

Mr. Mulcair portrayed the NDP, which vaulted into second place in last May's election for the first time in its 51-year history, as a more rigorous, effective official Opposition than the Liberals ever were.

“But now there's an official Opposition that's going to stand up in front of Stephen Harper, give a real argument as to why things should be done differently ... That's the official Opposition of the NDP. Canadians are relieved that we no longer have the Liberals who roll over at every budget and vote with the Conservatives. They finally do have a party standing up for them.”

Mr. Mulcair also accused the Liberals of using only 11 of their 20 allotted minutes to debate the budget on Tuesday, proof, he maintained, that they have nothing to say.

“So all that whinging, they got the time and they didn't even use it,” he scoffed.

Mr. Rae shot back that Mr. Mulcair “would not know the truth if he ran into it in bright daylight.” In fact, he said Liberals split their time between two MPs and had to cut their interventions slightly short of 20 minutes to ensure the Liberal sub-amendment to the budget made it onto the order paper before the deadline.

As for the notion that NDP was engaged in a filibuster, Mr. Rae said: “This was not a filibuster, this was an ego trip and there's a big difference.”

Mr. Rae and the Liberals had been enjoying somewhat of a comeback over the past few months, while the NDP was focused on its leadership contest. Some polls suggested the two opposition parties were essentially tied, with support in the mid-20s.

The latest poll, however, suggests the NDP is now enjoying a honeymoon with its new leader.

The orange surge was particularly strong in Quebec, Mr. Mulcair's home base, where the NDP has vaulted back in front with 39 per cent compared to 24 per cent for the Bloc Québécois; Liberals and Conservatives were tied at 14 per cent.

The NDP was also leading in British Columbia, with 44 per cent to 30 for the Tories, 13 for the Liberals and 11 for the Greens.

The telephone survey of 2,003 Canadians was conducted March 22-April 2 and is considered accurate within plus or minus 2.2 percentage points, 19 times in 20.


This is tough for the Liberals - they got used to Nycole Turmel and, because she was so weak in the HoC, they got used to stealing the opposition spotlight; but Thomas Mulcair is not a doormat and Rae and the Liberals will have to eat a little more crow.


 
And Thomas Mulcair gets a leg up on the Tories attack ad machine by "going positive" in his own French language ads for Québec. I bet Bob Rae and the Liberals wish they had this kind of moxie, this kind of money and this kind of leader.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
And Thomas Mulcair gets a leg up on the Tories attack ad machine by "going positive" in his own French language ads for Québec. I bet Bob Rae and the Liberals wish they had this kind of moxie, this kind of money and this kind of leader.

It will be interesting to see if the Tories go the same route. For those who remember, they didn't go negative until the Liberals did. If that's the only change to politics that Mr Muclair completes then that's good enough for me. (but I still won't vote NDP)
 
The second great fear for all the Trudeau Liberals is expressed in this column which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/jeffrey-simpson/will-blue-and-orange-squeeze-out-bob-raes-red/article2393393/
Will blue and orange squeeze out Bob Rae's red?

JEFFREY SIMPSON

From Friday's Globe and Mail
Published Friday, Apr. 06, 2012

Now that Thomas Mulcair has assumed control of the NDP, the Liberals are about to be squeezed in two directions, perhaps even to near-extinction. They’ve already been squeezed by the Conservatives; they might now get the same treatment from the New Democrats.

Mr. Mulcair offered himself to the NDP not as the spokesman of traditional party verities but as someone who would lead a broader based grouping of “progressives.” Slogans are just that: slogans. What such a “progressive” coalition might mean in practice and how it would be organized are among the questions that remain unanswered from the Mulcair leadership campaign.

A chunk of the NDP worried about the party’s morphing into a less distinctly social democratic party than it had prided itself on being. Horror of horrors to defenders of the NDP faith: Mr. Mulcair did not attack former British Labour prime minister Tony Blair’s moderate version of progressive politics.

Mr. Mulcair won despite these fears. He has a mandate, therefore, to change at least the emphasis of the NDP, if not the party’s fundamental orientation. And the first place to go fishing for “progressive” voters outside the NDP’s confines is with people who haven’t voted (read young people) and some Liberals.

Too many Liberals have made the cardinal mistake of believing that the NDP surge in the last election was a fluke. We are the natural alternative to the Conservatives, these Liberals say to themselves. When Canadians tire of the Conservatives, we will be the most reasonable option. Wait and work, these Liberals believe, for the political universe to return to its natural pattern of Conservatives and Liberals fighting for government.

These Liberals apparently don’t understand their party’s fragility. Western Canada, apart from a few urban redoubts, was lost long ago. Quebec turned away from the Liberals at the end of the Trudeau era. Swaths of industrial Ontario that used to be consistently red are now orange or blue. The NDP is a major player in Newfoundland and Nova Scotia.

Geographically, then, it isn’t easy to see where the Liberals might readily mount a comeback. Toronto? Not when the entire area surrounding the city has veered Conservative and some of the major ethnic communities are now voting that way, too. Canadian Jews, formerly a core Liberal vote, are moving massively to the Conservatives, whose support for Israel is unconditional and unquestioning.

Ideologically, the question arises: Does the more sharply conservative approach of the Harper government create conditions for a centrist alternative offered by the Liberals or a more left-wing one offered by the NDP?

In previous days of ideological muddle between Liberals and Conservatives, voting for one party over the other constituted a matter of degree. But the Harper Conservatives are more sharply ideological than any previous Conservative government. The consequent polarizing effect among non-NDP voters who dislike the Conservatives might be to shift them to the NDP.

The Liberals had an easy time while the NDP was busy selecting a leader, a process that seemingly went on forever. Now the Liberals will be desperately seeking attention, to the point of saying eye-catching but silly things, such as interim leader Bob Rae’s demand that the Prime Minister resign over the F-35 affair.

Mr. Mulcair has an opportunity to make life miserable to the point of extinction for the enfeebled Liberals – if, and only if, he actually widens the net of NDP thinking to make the party more aware of the global economy, economic competition and a balanced fiscal policy. None of that will be easy in a party habituated to the nostrums of opposition.

He has the party’s mandate, of course. But it wasn’t without significance that none of the serious leadership candidates backed him as each dropped off the ballot. They didn’t support another candidate. They refused to back anyone, which meant they didn’t publicly support him. This refusal obviously didn’t signal undiluted admiration for Mr. Mulcair.

If Mr. Mulcair plays his cards right by keeping the caucus united while broadening the NDP’s appeal, a Liberal recovery is difficult to imagine.


The greatest fear of the Trudeau Liberals is that their Montreal/Toronto ruling coaliton axis is being displaced by a Western Ontario <-> Alberta alliance of established fiscal conservatives, whi have, in the past, wavered between being Conservatives and/or Liberals, and immigrants who tend to be both socially and fiscally conservatives but who were until this century, reliably Liberal.

I think the John Manley Liberals are already drifting away and into the Conservative camp because Stephen Harper is not scary, and nor is his now revealed hidden agenda™ the Trudeau Liberals will be next - drifting towards the NDP when, if it shows itself to be less than scary.
 
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