In today’s
Globe and Mail Sen. Romeo Dallaire discards his decades of military service and judgment to launch a totally partisan (Canadian) political crusade advocating Canadian military participation (through SHIRBIG, at last) in Sudan.
Dallaire is wrong, dangerously (to the lives of Canadians) wrong.
There is no room for Western forces in Sudan.
The Americans (Powell and Rice) are right: what is happening in Sudan is the beginning of genocide. It is racially motivated genocide to boot. Arab Muslims are trying to wipe our black African Muslims and animists. The issue is race, not religion.
If it is a genocide then doesn’t the doctrine of
Responsibility to Protect (R2P) require Canada to act?
Leaving aside the fact (and it is a fact) thatR2P is just about the dumbest thing the UN did since the nonsensical, farcical UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights* and is equally
valid, R2P does not provide
any justification in international (law and) custom for its position. China, rightfully, opposes it and all its potential consequences.
Sudan is fast becoming a Chinese protectorate and we, all of us in the West, should turn the entire problem over to the Chinese.
A genocide, a crime against humanity, is underway. Something
does need to be done but we, the West, have not the
means to do much and not doing enough may do more harm than good.
China has the ways and means to sort out Sudan. It might, probably would be the best thing to happen to that poor, sad country since 1956 (when the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan
condominium was disbanded).
Canada has a major, long term and
vital commitment in Central Asia. Canada should increase its commitment to Afghanistan – by adding tactical air forces and increasing the strength of its army combat forces – and it should
sign on for the long term: decades, not just a few months or years.
Prime Minister Harper: Senator Dallaire is wrong; dangerously wrong. Tell Canadians that and tell them why and tell them what
diplomatic actions Canada will take to get the right people to
do the right thing.
Senator Dallaire’s article follows; it is reproduced under the Fir Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20060505.wxcodarfur05/BNStory/specialComment/home
There's no time to wait
ROMÉO DALLAIRE
From Friday's Globe and Mail
Is the Canadian government trying to step quietly away from the tragedy unfolding in Darfur? It seems so, despite urging by youth and community groups, NGOs and parliamentarians of all political stripes that Canada step up its role in the area, where an estimated 180,000 people have been killed and millions displaced to camps where conditions are appalling. Two years ago, with Rwanda still fresh in our minds, we did not answer the call to protect millions of Darfurians being "ethnically cleansed" in their villages and homes.
Despite all the signs that the violence in Darfur now is escalating, the only significant action taken by the new Canadian government has been the disbandment of Canada's Special Advisory Team on Sudan (SATS).
The non-partisan work carried out by SATS, whose members included Senator Mobina Jaffer, Ambassador Robert Fowler and me, was an important signal to the Canadian public and the international community that Canada was serious about supporting the pursuit of peace, security and development in Africa.
Now, Canada has relegated its response to the crisis in Sudan to a departmental level -- an abrupt, backward step whose significance is not lost upon the international community nor upon those who seek to sow discord in the region.
The situation in Darfur has reached a critical juncture. After two long years of negotiations between the rebel groups and the government of Sudan, the soon-to-be-signed peace agreement promises to be a significant step forward. But the ray of hope it represents is clouded by Sudan's tumultuous history and faltering international commitment.
The people of Sudan have known little peace in their lifetimes. A civil war ravaged the south for 21 years, leaving an entire generation to know only refugee and displaced-persons camps as their homes. While a peace deal signed last year officially ended this conflict, its implementation has been halting and slow. Violence continues and there is little or no infrastructure to support the return of displaced persons looking to start their lives over.
Since 2003, Darfur, in the West of Sudan, has been the site of unimaginable human suffering. Despite a so-called ceasefire signed in April of 2004, violence continues to plague the region. Humanitarian conditions are frightening, with bandits stealing supplies and driving aid workers out of areas where help is most desperately needed. Women and girls suffer horrifying sexual and gender-based violence. The government and the rebels continue to violate the ceasefire, with the government's proxy militias, the janjaweed, the worst offenders.
The United Nations and the African Union are currently in the planning phase for transferring the Darfur mission to an urgently needed UN mandate. We must ensure the force is mandated appropriately under the UN's Chapter 7 provision enabling it to enforce the Darfur peace agreement, protect civilians and take pro-active measures to prevent breaches of the agreement.
The concept of operations must revolve around a highly skilled and fully equipped, core ground force that is supported by approximately 20,000 troops -- two battle groups for each of Darfur's eight subregions.
The UN Multinational Stand-by High Readiness Brigade for United Nations Operations, or SHIRBRIG, is the ideal core force for the task. This multinational brigade-size force of about 4,000 troops was created to provide a rapid deployment capability of up to six months. Canada is one of a dozen Western powers that have signed on as a full participant to SHIRBRIG, a Danish initiative. It provides a highly trained force with operational experience, efficient command and control, and credible deterrent capabilities when needed.
SHIRBRIG's signatory countries must provide equipment such as command and control, armoured personnel carriers, unmanned aerial vehicles and air defence systems, which would make SHIRBRIG the force commander's reserve or the "force de frappe". This core force must be supported by a large observation capability, the bulk of which should be provided by developing countries from the region and abroad.
The African character of the force must be retained through its commander if the force is to be legitimate in the eyes of the population and the government of Sudan. The 7,000 African Union forces currently deployed in the region should be integrated into the UN force, providing much needed experience and sensitivity to the nuances of the land and its people. Simply put, the transition from AU to UN must be done in a spirit of reinforcement rather than a takeover.
Last July, I called for the planning of a UN transition to start immediately, but neither the UN nor the AU was ready. We know it takes between six and nine months to get a force in the field when there is little infrastructure to rely upon, and up to a year for the force to be at full capacity. The urgency of the current situation means delay and indecision would be fatal.
Canada must play a lead role as a resolute middle power to ensure that there is sufficient political will to enforce the peace treaty and see this mission through. It is critical that Canada exert concerted political energy to head off Russian and Chinese vetoes in the UN Security Council. Similarly, Canada must persuade the government of Sudan to grant entry and free movement to this Chapter 7 mandated UN force.
Finally, Canada must demonstrate its commitment to the Responsibility to Protect doctrine it has endorsed by supporting the United Nations in this mission -- by providing not only resources and expertise but, most importantly, boots on the ground. A reinforced battle group of approximately 1,500 soldiers, with a sizable transport capability for return and humanitarian support, should be Canada's contribution to a robust UN mission to bring peace and stability to the region.
We Canadians pride ourselves on our history of peacekeeping and our dedication to multilateralism, but we are currently ranked 50th in contributions to UN missions. We continue to refuse UN leadership jobs for our senior officers, robbing them of the opportunity to gain command experience. Many in the international community are asking whether we have given up and pulled out of peacekeeping. This trend must be reversed and our role clarified.
The atrocities being committed in Darfur, and the inhuman conditions in which people live, are beyond our comprehension here in the Western world. When we hear references to three million people being homeless and subjected to continual violence, it becomes almost abstract. But these are three million souls, humans equal in every way to you and me.
It is time we in Canada started to live up to our high-minded rhetoric and make a comprehensive and long-term commitment to protecting these besieged and destitute individuals.
Senator Roméo Dallaire is a retired lieutenant-general and former commander of the UN Assistance Mission in Rwanda.
Dallaire fails to mention that just a year ago he agreed that Canada could not and should not send military forces to Sudan; but that was then and his Liberals were in power and this is now and his party is on the ‘outs’ – he is playing partisan politics with the lives of Canadian soldiers. For shame!
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* See the last dozen or so 'rights' in the Universal Declaration. Is anyone in his or her right mind really ready to send Canadians to fight and die for two weeks of paid vacation?
What rubbish! And to think that (ignorant) Canadian school teachers tell impressionable youngsters that the UN Declaration is a good thing, about which Canada should be pride. Nonsense.